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»itO?BftTT 09 





Frmn the pwtrait by Vakdyke. 







A.D. 1643-6. 



lUttBtralcb bnil^ ^oxixnitB, |pian$, anb Siefes. 






. M74 

Entered at Statioitbbb' Hall. 

^ U7 





D. C. Xj.; £• !R. S.y 

Fbesident of the Society of AmnauABiEs, 

&0.; &0,f &o. 

Whose Ancestors took a prominent part in the Great Civil "War, 
with which this Volume deals, and imder Whose auspices the 
Falkland Memohtal, raised to record the names of those who 
fell fighting in their Country's Cause, was successfully completed 
and inaugurated, this Book is, with his Lordship's Permission, 

respectfully and gratefully dedicated by 



Pebhafs no part of the Military transactions and operations of the 
Ghreat Civil War in the time of Charles I. has been so cursorily dealt 
with and so confusedly treated as that relating to the Two Battles 
fought in the neighbourhood of the ancient town of Newbury,- in the 
years 1643 and 1644. 

Although the chief incidents of that stormy period are related by 
Clarendon and other writers of the time, the local circumstances 
and traditions of those two important engagements have not by any 
means been fully chronicled. 

The value of placing on record, in a connected form, all that could 
be gathered together relating to the period in question requires 
no comment. Year by year as books have multiplied, and civilization 
has increased, commercial activity has penetrated from the great 
centres of industry into the rural districts, and has resulted in the 
gradual obliteration of many an old landmark, in the removal or 
alteration of many an historical building, and in the dying-out of 
many an old tradition. 

To supply this want in our chronicles, to record as faithfully as 
possible all that can be obtained, both locally and generally, about 
the history of these Battles, which will always be memorable in our 
annals, and should be attractive to all classes of Englishmen, I have 
undertaken this work. 


Bom almost under the shadow of the grey walls of Dozmington 
Castle, near which my ancestors dwelt during the occurrence of these 
stirring events, I have naturally felt a special interest in anything that 
concerns the varied fortunes and associations of the old fortress, which 
figures so prominently in these local, but at the same time national, 

To those numerous friends, who have helped me by their advice 
and information, I wish to express my cordial thanks; especially to 
Pbofessob T. Etjpeet Joirais, r.E.S., Staff CoUege, Sandhurst; 
Captain C. Cooper King, E.M.A., F.G.S., Professor of Tactics, 
Administration, &c., Eoyal Military College, Sandhurst; Colonel 
J. L. Chester, LL.D.; Charles Trice Martin, Esq., F.S.A., and 
"Walford D. Selby, Esq., of the Public Eecord Office; all of whom 
have materially contributed to lighten my labours and add pleasure 
to this self-imposed task. 

Finally I have to tender my sincere acknowledgements to those who 
assisted in the establishment of the Memorial to Lord Falkland and 
the patriots who fell with him, the proposal to erect which I was led 
to originate by the study of that section of English History which this 
volume endeavours to illustrate and explain. 


Newhtry, March 15^^, 1881. 


Page 25, foot-note, for Orry's read Orrery's. 

— 31, line 10 from bottom, for auxiUiaries read auxiliaries. 

— 48, line 7 from top. With regard to Bebnabd Bbocas, and 

the flag taken by him at the First Battle of Newbury, 
Reginald Brocas, Esq., has obligingly favoured me with 
the following particulars: — **Ai ancestor of mine. Sir 
Thomas Brocas, of Beaurepaire, had eight sons, seven of 
whom fell in the Civil War, fighting for the King. The 
one (Bernard) who captured the flag at the Battle of 
Newbury was the fifth son of the said Sir Thomas; and 
the affair happened thus. He, Bernard Brocas, being in 
love with a daughter of Lord Sandes, of the Vyne (a 
property which adjoins the Beaurepaire property, and once 
formed part of it), took every opportunity of passing his 
time with his fair mistress, much to the dislike of all his 
relatives, who were staunch Royalists, and many of whom 
had fought at Edgehill, — ^in fact, four of his brothers were 
there. Refusing to give up his Intended, and being told 
that his loyalty was distrusted, and that his mistress would 
wean him away to her father's side, he took an oath that 
he would give substantial proof, in the next engagement, of 
his loyalty, and would either bring back a standard, or 
stay on the field. He did both! He took the flag, killed 
the bearer (who is said to have been one of the Hazleriggs), 
and was found on the field after the battle, dead, with the 
flag beside him. 

"After all was over the flag was taken and given to the 
Sandes family; and it was at the Vyne when Chaloner 
Chute, the Speaker to the House of Commons, took it from 
Lord Sandes. He gave it to my ancestor; and we have 
had it ever since. I myseK have had it for over thirty 
years in my possession. 

'*The mistake in the date 'August,' instead of 'Sep- 
tember,' was owing to my brother, who amused himself m 
Sutting the writing under the flag, having substituted the 
ate of the promise to take the flag for the date of the 

— 70, line 8 from bottom, for Blagne read Blague. 

— 72. Since the text was printed, some fresh information has 

been obtained with regard to Lord Belasyse and his 
Monument mentioned in the Appendix to the First Battle. 

The Inscription mentioned in the text as having been 
copied from his Monument, on the authority of Maitland's 
"History and Survey of London," has since been found to 
be inaccurate. The Monument is still to be seen on the 
outside of the east wall of the Church of St. Giles in the 
Fields, with the following inscription : 

"This monument was erected in the year of our Lord 
1736, by the pious direction of the honourable Dame 


Barbara Webb, wife of Sir John Webb, of Cranf ord Magna 
in the county of Dorset, baronet, and the honourable 
Catharine Talbot, wife of the honourable John Talbot, of 
Longford in the county of Salop, esquire, surviving 
daughters and co-heirs of the right honourable John, 
Lord Belasyse, second son of Thomas, Lord Yiscount 
Fauconberg, in memory of their most dear father, his 
wives, and children. 

**Who, for his loyalty, prudence, and courage, was pro- 
moted to several commands of great trust by their majesties 
King Charles I. and H., viz., having raised six regiments 
of horse and foot in the civil wars, he commanded a tertia 
in his Majestie*s armies at the battles of Edge-hill, Newbury, 
and Knavesby; at the sieges of Beading, and Bristol: 
and afterwards, being made governor of York, and com- 
mander-in-chief of all his Majestie's forces in Yorkshire, 
he fought the battle of Selby, with the lord Fairfax. And 
being lieutenant-general of the counties of lincoln, 
Nottingham, Derby, and Eutland, and governor of Newark, 
he valiantly defended that garrison against the English and 
Scotch armies, till his Majesty came in person to the Scotch 
quarters, and commanded the surrender of it. At which 
time he also had the honour of being general of the King's 
horse-guards; in all which services during the war, and 
other achievements, he deported himself with eminent 
courage and conduct, and received many woimds, sustained 
three imprisonments in the Tower of London; and after 
the happy restoration of Charles II., he was made lord- 
lieutenant of the east-riding of the County of York, 
governor of Hull, general of his Majesties forces in Africa, 
governor of Tangier, captain of his majestie's guard of 
gentlemen pensioners, and first lord commissioner of the 
&easury to King James II. He died the 1 0th of September, 
A.D. 1689, whose remains are deposited in this vault." 
The remainder of the inscription refers to his marriages 
and issue. 
Page 72, line 8 from top, /or Fanconberg read Fauconberg. 

— 73, line 17 from bottom. With reference to the death of 

Bichard Brydges, which is stated in the text, on the 
authority of Jacob's ^'Peerage," to have been in 1548, it is 
evident that, as Queen Mary was not crowned until 1553, 
the person referred to as being made K.B. at her coronation 
was Sir Eichard Brydges, M.P. for Berkshire in 1554. 

— 75, third paragraph. Read thm — ^Bernaed Bbocas. Of Beau- 

repaire, near Sherborne St. John, Hants, ^ He was the fifth 
son of Sir Thomas Brocas (son of Sir Pexall Brocas) by 
Elizabeth, daughter of Eobert Wingfield, of Upton, Co. 

— 78, line 4 from top. Colonel Daniel O'Neill. This officer 

was Lieutenant-Colonel of Prince Eupert's regiment of 
horse; afterwards groom of the bedchamber to the King. 

— 85, first line, im&rt § 2. lefore PARLIAMENT AEIAN. 


• • 

• • 



Addenda et Corrigenda . . 

Table of Contents . • 

list of Plans and Illustrations 

The Fiest Battle at Newbtjby, September 20th, 1643 


I. A list of those Regiments of Trained-Bands and 
Auxiliaries of the City of London, which were engaged at 
the First Battle of Newbury 

n. The Attack on Essex's Rear the day after the First 
Battle of Newbury 

m. The presence of Queen Henrietta Maria at the 
Battle (disproved). 

IV. A case of Witch-murder at Newbury 

lY.* The Discovery of the Coflin and Remains of the 
Vault of Robert Devereux, third Earl of Essex, in the 
Chapel of St. John the Baptist in Westminster Abbey, 
June 1879 

V. Biographical Notices of Officers and others men- 
tioned in connection with the First Battle of Newbury , . 

§ 1. Royalist Officers 

Patrick Ruthven, Earl of 

Prince Rupert 
Sir John Byron 
Lord Wilmot 
Earl of Caernarvon 
Earl of Lindsey . . 
Earl of Northampton . . 
Earl of Nottingham 
Earl of Cleveland 
Earl of Holland .. 
Earl of Bedford 
Earl of Clare 
John, Lord Belasyse (see 

also List of Corrigenda) 
Lord Chandos 
Lord Molyneux ,, 
Hon. Henry Bertie 
Sir Charles Lucas 
Sir George Lisle 
Sir Edward Waldegrave 
Bernard Brocas ,, 

Sir Lewis Kirke . . 
Sir Henry Slingsby 
Sir William Vavasour 




vii & 75 

Sir Thomas Aston 

Sir Anthony Mansel 

Sir Edward Stradling , 

Sir Michael Wodehouse 

Sir Jacob Astley 

Sir John Frechville 

Sir John Hurry 

Major-Gen. George Porter 

Col. St. -John 

Col. Edward ViUiers 

Col. WiU. Legge 

Col. Daniel O'NeiU viii 

Col. Morgan 

Col. Thomas Eure 

Col. Richard Piatt 

Col. Charles Gerard 

Col. Thomas Bagehot . 

Capt. BasU Woodd 

Capt. Clifton 

Capt. Newman 

Capt. Gwynne 

Henry Spencer, Earl of 

Lord Falkland 


• • • 



• • 














aad 78 





( and others . . 




Colonel Sheffield 



Col. John Meldrum 



Col. Norton 



Col. Dalbier 



Captain Hunt 



Capt. Francis St.-Barbe 



Capt. Hammond 



Capt. Charles Fleetwood 



Capt. Charles Pym 



William Twisse, D.D. 



Eobert Codrington 



§ 2. Parliamentarian 

Earl of Essex 
Lord Robartes or Eoberts 
Lord Grey of Qroby 
Sir John Meyriek 
Sir Philip Stapleton 
Sir Willmm Constable 
Sir William Balfour 
Sir Samuel Luke . . 
Sir Arthur Godwin 
Major-General Skippon 
Major-General Deane , . 
Lieut. -General Middleton 

VI. Extracts from the Certificates or Returns of those 
Persons who, pursuant to the Order of the House of 

30th July, 1641 

■ • 

• • . • * 




Brimpton Parish 




Chaddleworth — . . 




Chieveley — 




Compton — 




Enbome — . . 




Frilsham — 


Shaw-cum-Donnington . 


Qreenham (a Tything of 

Little Shefford 




Great Shefford 


Hamsted-Marsh all 








West Hsley . . 


Welf ord 


East Hsley 


Winterborne-Danvers . 




Jk . « ^Fm 


Vli. List of the Sequestrators of the Estates of 
"Delinquents, Papists, Spyes, and Litelligencers," for the 
County of Berks, appointed under Ordinance of the Lords 
and Commons, April 1, 1643 



Sir Francis Pile 

Sir Francis Knollys, junior 93 

Peregrine Hoby . . 94 

Harry Marten . . 94 

Roger Knight 
Henry Powle 
Thomas Fettiplace 
Tanfield Yachell . 

Vli.* The Commissioners for raising Money and Forces 
within the County of Berks, and for Maintenance of 
Garrisons within the said County for use of Parliament, 




appointed June 27, 1 


• • * * 




William Lenthall 


Richard Browne 


Sir Robert Pye . . 


John Packer 


Sir Benjamin Rudyerd . . 


Robert Packer 


Edmund Dunch . . 


Cornelius Holland 


Daniel Blagrave 




VJJJL. Ship Money 

rX. State of Public Feeling in the County in 1643 

X. Agreement between Charles I. and the County of 

Berks respecting a Contribution to be levied for the 

support of the King's Army 

The Second Battle at Newbxjky, October 27th, 1644 


I. The King's March to Newbury . . 
n. The King's Stay at Newbury 
ni. Eed Heath and Eed Hill 
rV. Accoimt of the Second Battle of Newbury, from a 
MS. belonging to the Earl de la Warr 
Y. Newbury Church as a Prison and Hospital 
YI. Boxford 
yil. Bucklebury 
Vill. License of War 

IX. Capture of Lady Forth, Countess of Brentford 

X. Captain Knight's Relation of the Siege of Don- 
nington Castle . . 

XI. Depositions of Witnesses at the Trial of King 
Charles I., as to the presence of the Eling at the Two 
Battles of Newbury . . 

XH. Biographical Notices of some of the Officers and 
others mentioned in connection with the Second Battle 
of Newbury 

A. Royalist Officers 

Prince Maurice 
Duke of Richmond 
Lord Bernard Stuart 
Earl of Newport . . 
Earl of Berkshire 
Earl Rivers 
Lord Capel . . 
Lord Hopton 
Lord Colepeper 
Lord Goring 
Sir John Boys 
Sir Bernard Astley 
Sir William Brouncker 
Sir William Ashburnham 
Sir William St.-Leger . . 

B. Parliamentarian Officers 


Earl of Manchester . . 194 
Sir William Waller 
Sir Arthur Hesilrige 
Major-General Crawford 
Lieut. -Gen. Middleton . 




Sir John Owen 
Sir Thomas Hooper 
Sir Richard Page 
Sir Thomas Basset 
Sir Humphrey Benett 
Sir John Granville 
Sir Joseph Wagstaffe 
Sir Charles Lloyd. . 
Sir Edward Walker 
Colonel Leke 
Col. Anthony Thelwall 
Col. Giles Strangeways 
Col. Houghton 
Captain Catelyn . . 
Robert Stradling 

Lieut.-Gen. Ludlow 
Colonel Norton 
Col. Sir Richard Ingoldsby 
Col. John Birch 

XTTT. Historical Notices of the Manor and Castle of 

• • 

• • 






























Portrait of Lord Falkland. (Frontispiece.) Opposite title*page. 
,f Pbinoe Eupebt . . . . Opposite page 8 





View of DoNNiNGTON Castle 

Portrait of the Eabl of Essex ... 

Bbentfobd or Brainfobd . . 


Copy of the Ooffin-plate of the Eabl of Essex 

Portrait of the Eabl of Caebnabvon 

Plan of the Fibst Battle of Newbuby . , 

Plan of the Defences of Donnington Castle 

Portrait of the Eabl of Manchesteb 

View of Shaw House 

Portrait of Sib Whjjam Walleb 

„ Sib John Boys . . 

Plan of the Second Battle of Newbttry . . 

» • 

• • 

• • 














September 20th, 1643. 

In order to understand the political situation of the precise 
period of English History under review, a brief description of the 
previous operations of the hostile armies, which resulted in the 
Two Battles of Newbury, is necessary, because the narrative will 
then be rendered more complete. At the same time the means 
will be provided of rightlv estimating the value and eflfect of 
these engagements on tne fortunes of the two combatants. 

After the assault of Bristol and its surrender to the Royalists 
under Prince Rupert, in July, 1643, the King again joined the 
camp; and, having sent Prince Maurice with a detachment into 
Devonshire, he deliberated how to employ his remaining forces 
in an enterprize of moment. Some of his followers proposed 
that he should march direct to London, where everything was 
in confusion, though this undertaking, by reason of the great 
strength of the London Militia or Trained Bands, was thought to 
be attended with great difficulties; but Gloucester, lying within 
20 miles of Bristol, presented a possibly easier conquest. This 
was the only remaining garrison possessed by the Parliament 
in the west of the kingjdom; and, by interrupting the communica- 
tions of the royal armies between the south- west and north-east, 
prevented these from acting in concert. Hence the King at last 
assented to the plan of besieging this important town. The 

Questionable policy of this measure is thus noticed by one of 
Sharles's most faithful adherents. Sir Philip Warwick; — ^''One 
(or the like) councill in both quarters, north and west, soon 
blasted the prosperity in each place; for the King pitcht upon 
that fatall resolution, recommended to him, it is said, by the 
Lord Culpeper (who wanted no loyalty), of beseiging Glocester, 
who thought it a good policy not to leave a strong towne 
behind him. But the counsell proved fatall; for had tne Kinff 
at that time resolv'd in himself to have struck at the proud 
head of London and had had authority enough at that time to 
have required the Earl of Newcastle to have joyned with him, 

humanely speaking, he had rais'd such confusion among 

the two Houses and the Londoners, that they had either sent 



him his owne terms, or if they had fought him, most probably 

he had bin victorious But the King lixes on Gloucester, and 

the Earle of Newcastle as fatally about the same time setts down 
before Hull/'* This was by the advice of Lt,-Gen, King, whose 
loyalty was suspected. 

After all, it is by no means certain that Charles' march to 
London would have been so effectual and so little opposed as it 
is here taken for granted it would have been. 

On the 10th August,f the King's army, under his immediate 
command, occupied the heights above the City of Gloucester, 
The town was defended by a garrison of only fifteen hundred men, 
besides the inhabitants; and the Grovemor (Massey) was peremp- 
torily summoned to surrender, two hours being allowed for an 
answer. Before the expiration of tharti time, two deputies from 
the city, Sergeant-Major I Pudsey and a citizen, presented them- 
selves at the camp. They were pale, thin men, dressed in 
black, and closely shaven: "We bring to the Majesty," said they, 
"an answer from the godly city of Gloucester; and, on being 
introduced to the King, they read a letter, which ran thus: "We, 
the inhabitants, magistrates, officers, and soldiers within tke 
garrison of Gloucester unto his Majesty's gracious message return 
this humble answer, "That we do keep this city, according to our 
oath and allegiance, to and for the use of his Majesty signified 
by both houses of Parliament : and are resolved by uod'a help, 
to keep this city accordingly." 

On hearing this brief reply, delivered in a firm, clear tone, and 
perceiving the strange appearance of the messengers, who stood 
motionless before the King awaiting his ans-wer, a movement at 
once of surprise, derision, and anger was about to manifest itself 
on the part of the courtiers; but Charles, as grave as his enemies, 
repressed it with a gesture, and dismissed the deputies with these 
words : " If you expect help you are deceived ; Waller is extinct, 
and Essex cannot come." The deputation had no sooner entered 
the city, than the inhabitants set fire to the suburbs, and left 
themselves nothing to defend but what was within the walls. 
For twenty-six days, from Aug. 10th to Sept. 5th, the citizens, 
by their indefatigable exertions, frustrated all the efforts of the 
besiegers^ Except a hundred and fifty men kept in reserve, the 
whole garrison were constantly on foot. In all their labours, in 
all their dangers, the people took part with the soldiera, the 
women with their husbands, the children with their mothers. 
Massey even made frequent sallies, and only three men took 

* Sir Ph. Warwick's * Memoires,' pp. 260—2. 

t The ''Old Style " of reckoning was employed in England at this period and 
long afterwards, though the **New Style*' according to the Gregorian Calendiv 
was in general use on the Continent. 

X ''Sergeant-Major" formerly signified the of&cer now styled Major, and the 
''Sergeant- Major General" was what is now caUed Major-General. 


advantage of them to desert Tired of so long a delay, attended 
by neither glory nor rest, the royal army in a spirit of revenge 
licentiously devastated the country round, the officers frequently 
employing their men to carry off from his house some rich farmer 
or peaceable freeholder of the other side, who only regained his 
liberty on payment of ransom* 

The news of the siege of Gloucester caused the greatest con- 
sternation in London; and the Parliament, seeing the absolute 
necessity of relieving the town as the only means of supporting 
their cause, now exerted to the utmost their power and authority. 
Trading was for a time suspended, in order that none should 
decline military service upon whom the lot should fall. The 
relief of Gloucester was urged in ev^ry pulpit. A force of 8000 
horse and 4000 foot was expeditiously put into a condition of 
marching against the King^ and a committee, comprising some of 
the warn^st partisans of war, went to the Earl of Essex on the 
4th August to inform him of the measures that had been taken 
to recruit and make full provision for his army, and to enquire 
what else he needed. In a word they entrusted the destiny of 
the country to his hands, with assurance of the complete con- 
fidence reposed in him by Parliament. The Earl, in a letter to 
the Speaker, assured the House he would never desert the 
cause "as long as I have any blood in my veins, until this 
kingdom may be made happy by a blessed peace (which is all 
honest men's prayers) or to nave an end by the sword." f 

On the 24tn August the Earl of Essex mustered his forces on 
Hounslow Heath; and, after a solemn review in the presence of 
nearly all the Members of both Houses, marched oy way of 
Colnbrook, Beaeonsfield, and Aylesbury to the assistance of 
Gloucester, On the 1st of September he arrived at Brackley 
Heath, the general rendezvous, wh^re he was joined by a rein- 
forcement of horse and a train of artillery, wnich brought his 
force up to about 14,000 men. He then proceeded by way of 
Bicester, Chipping Norton, and Stow-on-the-Wold ; here he was 
attacked by a detached corps of cavalrv under Prince Rupert, 
who vainly endeavoured to stop him; but the Earl advanced, 
without suffering himself to be turned from his road, driving 
the enemy before him. He was already within a few miles of 
the Royalist Camp, already the King's horse had fallen back on 
the advanced posts of his infantry, when, in the hope of delay- 
ing the Earl, if only for a day, Charles sent him a messenger 
with proposals of peaca "''The Parliament," answered Essex, 
*' gave me no commission to treat, but to relieve Gloucester ; I 
will do it, or leave my body beneath its walls ! " "No proposi- 
tions: no propositions! " shouted the soldiers, when they heard of 

* Clarendon's *Hi8t. of the Rebellion,* vol. ii, p. 341. 
t Caxte's MS. Letters; fiibl. Bodl. 


the arrival of a trumpeter from the King. So Essex continned 
his march, and on the 5th Sept. he appeared on Prestbury Hilk 
within view of the city. Here the thunder of his cannon 
announced to the beleaguered citizens that their deliverance had 
come; and soon the sight of the King's quarters in flames 
informed them that the siege was raised. 

The important services performed by Massey and the garrison 
at Gloucester called forth the thanks of Parhament, who granted 
£1,000 to the governor, and proportionate largess to the officers 
and soldiers; and, in order to preserve the memory of the 
transaction, the 5th of September was ordered by the Mayor 
and Corporation to be observed as an annual holiday, and was so 
kept until the Restoration. The south gate of the city, which had 
been battered down during the siege, was rebuilt the same year, 
with these mottoes inscribed round tiie arch: on one side "A city 
ASSAULTED BY MAN, BUT SAVED BY GOD;" and on the Other side, 
next the city, " ever remember the v™ sept. 1643 — give god 
THE GLORY." At the Restoration these inscriptions were effaced, 
and the royal arms substituted. The walls and fortifications of 
the city were destroyed by order of King Charles II.; and that 
monarch likewise deprived the citizens of their charter, but 
subsequently granted a new one. Massey eventually left the 
Parliament's service and joined Prince Charles in Holland, under 
whose standard he fought at Worcester; but, being taken prisoner, 
he was committed to the Tower. He managed however to escape, 
and, after the death of Cromwell, he undertook to seize Gloucester, 
but was taken in the attempt. A second time he slipped from his 
captors; and, on the restoration of the secluded Members in 1660, 
he appeared in Parliament, and represented Gloucester the two 
followmg years, in the last of which he was knighted. 

The easy success gained by Essex in this march may be 
attributed to supineness on the part of his adversary ; but it is 

Erobable that, as Clarendon says, the Royalists could not believe 
e was coming, and " laid their account " in the nearly thirty 
miles of champaign country that he would have to traverse, after 
the King's soldiers had eaten it bare ; and where, if he attempted 
the expedition, the royal horse would perpetually infest his march 
and probably destroy his army.* 

The day the Parliamentary General entered Gloucester had 
been . set apart for a public fast, but on his arrival it was 
turned into a day of ardent rejoicing. Provisions of all kinds 
were conveyed to the city, the Governor Massey and his soldiers 
were loaded with praise, the citizens congratulated on their 
courage, and the Earl was received everywhere with demonstra- 
tions of gratitude. 

The march of Essex to Gloucester was considered one of the 

* Clarendon'B 'Hist, of the Rebellion/ toI. ii, p. 343. 


most able exploits of the whole war; for his troops were untrained 
and iU-diseiplined, and for the greater part of the way he was in 
the enemy's country. From Brackley to Prestbury, Wilmot and 
four other royalist commanders were hanging on his rear ; and in 
the encounter at Stow, Prince Rupert with 4,000 horse made a 
desperate attempt to cut off his advanced guard, but in vain. 
It would appear from the following remarks by Lord Orrery 
that there was more of a fight here than the historians have 
mentioned: he says "When Essex marched to relieve Gloucester, 
Prince Rupert advanced with his cavalry to meet the relieving 
army on the Downs : which doubtless he had defended, had not 
some brigades of Essex's infantry done wonders on that day."* 
At Gloucester Essex left his heavy ordnance with 40 barrels of 

Eowderand the greater part of his baggage, the better to expedite 
is march over an unusually hilly country. Having strengthened 
and victualled the garrison, which had been driven to great 
extremities, his mission was accomplished ; but, fearing an 
engagement with the enemy on account of their superiority in 
cavalry, the Lord General determined to manoeuvre his way 
back to London without risking a battle. The London trained- 
bands and auxiliaries too, supposing their work already done, 
earnestly desired to direct their footsteps homewards. 

On tne third day after his arrival m Gloucester, Essex, with 
the object of dividmg the King*s forces, made a demonstration, 
as though he intended to proceed northward to Worcester ; but, 
changing his route on a sudden, he marched to Tewkesbury, 
where, naving thrown a bridge over the Severn and dispatched a 
body of troops to Upton as a feint, he quartered till Friday, 15th 
September. Succeeding by this skilful manoeuvre in drawing 
the King's attention towards Worcester, Essex with the re- 
mainder of his army took advantage of a dark night, and moved 
away for Cirencester. His vanguard, arriving in the town 
about 1 a.m. on Saturday morning, surprised two newly raised 
regiments of Royal horse, intended for service in Kent and com- 
manded by Sir ^Nicholas Crispe and Col. Spencer, both of whom 
were then absent. In the fight which ensued the Parliamentarians 
took 300 prisoners, 400 horses, with six stands of colours; and, 
what was of more consequence, obtained possession of a large 
store of provisions; thus enabling the Earl to refresh his exhausted 
forces, and perhaps mainly contributing to his success at Newbury. 
This skirmish is referred to in Corbet's "Relation of the Siege of 
Gloucester " in the following terms : " The forlorn hope entered 
Cirencester, whilst the rest surrounded it, killed the centinell 
sleeping, march'd up to the market-house without opposition 
(the enemy supposing them Prince Maurice his forces, that night 
expected) till they entered the houses and surprised them in bed, 

* Orrery's 'Art of War/ p. 180. 


took 400 men and 30 cart-loads of bread and cheese and other 
provisions, a great relief in a wasted country, . and the only 
support of the soldiers against the 1)attle of Newbury." 

The royalist troopers taken prisoners at Cirencester were 
secured in the fine old parish church, which, fortunately, escaped 
injury during the siege in the previous year, the inhabitants 
having carefully protected it by suspending woodpacks around the 
exterior. After a few hours' rest, Essex was again on the march, 
his means being augmented on the way by the addition of some 
1,000 sheep and 60 head of cattle, which had been taken from 
" malignants and papists " en route. These were afterwards lost 
during the action on Aldboume Chase, " every man's care then 
being to secure himself." On Saturday night the halt was at 
CricElade, and on Sunday at Swindon, where a religious service 
was held. Next morning the march was resumed towards Hun- 
gerford, where the Earl intended quartering for the night. In a 
contemporary letter from Lord George Digby, Essex is said to 
have had 2,000 horse and 5,000 foot when he marched from Tew- 
kesbury; but he had left some of his troops at Gloucester and 
others at Upton, and had lost a number of his men in several 
skirmishes; and this will account to some extent for the diminu- 
tion of the force with which he had left London, There were 
also numerous stragglers on the march; and many of the 
Parliamentary soldiers, who remained behind drinking and who 
neglected to march with the colours ; were slain by the Royalists 
on entering the towns and villages, or were taken prisoners. 
Essex's numerical strength, however, afterwards at Newbury was 
evidently beyond Lord Digby's computation; for when the Earl 
marched from Brackley he had an army of about 14,000 men, 
and no regular engagement had taken place to account for a 
diminution to the extent of oTie-half of his available force. 

To the royal cause the raising of the siege of Gloucester was a 
fatal blow. Since retiring from before the city, the defeated 
King had halted in the neighbourhood of Winchcombe and at 
Sudeley Castle, about eight miles from Gloucester, awaiting the 
motions of the enemy, ft is mentioned in Warburton's * Memoirs 
and Correspondence of Prince Rupert,' that the latter had sent 
notice of the movements of Essex to his Majesty; but he, 
believing himself better informed, allowed the enemy twenty-four 
hours advantage before he followed him. But there appears to 
be some discrepancy between the statements here made and 
those of Lord Byron * in a letter to Lord Clarendon f wherein 
he says: — "that had Prince Rupert been pleased to credit 
my intelligence, the advantage which Essex gained might 
have been prevented ; which neglect obliged the army to go so 

* For memoirs of persons of note, see Appendix. 

t Lord Byron's account of the Battles of Newbury, in a letter to Lord Clarendon, 
in MS. Clar. State Papers, in Bodleian Lib., no. 1738. 


hasty and painful a march, that before he reached Newbury 
there was about 2000 horse and as many foot lost by the way." 
This is corroborated by Capt. John Gwynne, who says,* "And 
when we drew off from Gloucester it proved to be most tem- 
pestuous rainy weather so that few or none could take little or no 
rest on the hills where they were, the winds next morning soon 
dryed up our through-wet clothes we lay pickled in all night (as a 
convenient washing for us at our coming from the trenches), and 
we made such haste in pursuit of Essex's army that there was an 
account of 1,500 foot quite tired and spent, not possible to come 
up to their colours before we engaged the enemy ♦ * ♦ We 
were Hke to drop down every step we made with want of sleepe, 
yet notwithstanding we marcht on till we overtook the enemy's 
army at Newbury town end." 

As soon, however, as the King felt assured as to Essex's march 
and route, he dispatched Prince Rupert with a strong body of 
horse+ to overtake him before he should get so far in advance as 
to form a junction with Waller's army, which was daily expected 
to leave iondon. The Prince accordmgly, mustering his cavalry 
on Broadway Down, gave immediate pursuit, and marching all 
that night and the next day reached Paringdon, but was unable 
to overtake the enemy. 

Whilst refreshing his weary troopers here, Rupert sent on 
Sir John Hurry to reconnoitre, and soon learnt that Essex was 
passing over Aidboume Chase, expecting to enter Newbury that 
night, Saturday 16th September, 1643. 

The force at the disposal of the King at this time may be 
estimated at 10,000 men. According to Kapin,:J: he commanded 
when before Gloucester about "8,000 horse and foot;" but this 
may probably be read as 8,000 of each arm, since, from the facts 
that such a considerable deduction has to be made for stragglers, 
and that a garrison of 3,000 infantry and 500 cavalry was left in 
Beading after the Newbury battle, and in addition a force was 
placed m Donnington Castle, it certainly seems that the army of 
the Royalists was far more numerous than the historian would 
lead us to believe. Rudge, in his ' History of Gloucester,' indeed, 
computes the King's forces as 30,000 strong, which is doubtless 
an exaggeration ; and Lord Byron states that the army before 
Gloucester was the greatest the King had during the war; so that 
the estimate of 10,000 men for the Royalist force that fought 
JBifterwards at Newbury is probably fairly accurate. Clarendon 
also bears this out in his statement that the King's army con- 
tained "above 8,000 horse " when his Majesty left Gloucester. || 

* Gwynne*8 * Milit. Memoirs,' pp. 36—37. 
t E. Warburton's * Prince Rupert,' vol. ii. 291. 
t Rapin's • Hist. Eng.*, vol. ii p. 478. 
|[ Clarendon, < Life/ vol. i. p. 164. 


Prince Rupert's detachment, therefore, may well have num- 
bered 3,000 sabres, exclusive of the regiments sent, as will be 
seen hereafter, under Hurry to harass the rear of the Parliamen- 
tary forces ; and their order of march was such as to offer every 
advantage to such a dashing cavalier as the nephew of King 
Charles. Essex's column of mfantry was moving with wide inter- 
vals " between their divisions ; " and his cavalry, though in actual 
presence of the enemy, did little to ascertain where that enemy 
was. The opportunity was a good one for a bold and intelligent 
adversary ; for a force of all arms' indifferently accustomed, to 
combined action would, as all history tells us, be subject to grave 
disadvantage if attacked under these circiunstances. Lord 
Byron, after describing the position of the Parliamentary Army 
on Aldboume Chase as of "great advantage for our horse," says 
" we were so placed that we had it in our power both to charge 
their horse in flank and at the same time to have sent another 
party to engage their artillery, yet that fair occasion was omitted, 
and the enemy allowed to join all their forces together, and 
then we very courageously charged them." It is a most noticeable 
fact that the Parliamentary army was singularly unaccustomed, 
at this time, to the movement of mixed bodies. To keep so 
great a distance between the different fractions was, from every 
point of view, likely to lead to disaster, inasmuch as eacn 
might be taken individually, and thus the value of the united 
force be entirely destroyed. 

This skirmish, which took place on the open down about two 
miles to the north-west of the viUage of Aldboume, is graphically 
referred to in two contemporary tracts, which give both the 
Royalist and Parliamentarian version of the affair. In Robert 
Codrington's "Life and death of the Earl of Essex," the author, 
after an account of the siege of Gloucester, relates that " From 
hence [Cirencester] his Excellence marched into Wiltshire, and, 
being advanced towards Auburn Hills, he had a sight of his 
Majesty's horse, which appeared in several great bodies, and were 
so marshalled to charge our army of foot, being then on their 
march in several divisions; which caused our foot to unite 
themselves into one gross, our horse perpetually skirmishing 
with them, to keep them off the foot. In the meantime, the 
dragoons on both sides gave fire in full bodies on one another, on 
the side of the Hill, that the woods above, and the vallies below, 
did echo with the thunder of the charge. There were about 
fourscore slain upon the place, and more than as many more 
were sorely wounded. 

" Our horse also made great impression upon the Queen's regi- 
ment of horse, and charged them again and again, and cut in 
pieces many of her life-guard. In this service, the Marquis of 
V ivile was taken prisoner : it seems he would not be known who 
he was; but endeavouring to rescue himself from a Lieutenant 


From the portrait hi/ Vakdyke. 


that took him Prisoner, and thereupon, having his head almost 
cloven asunder with a pole ax, he acknowledged himself, in 
the last words he spoke, which were, Voua voyez un grand 
Marquis mourant; that is. You see a great Marquis dying. His 
dead body was carried to Hungerford by the Lord General's 
command. It had not been long there, but the King did send a 
Trumpet to his Excellency, conceiving that the Marquis had 
been wounded only, and taken Prisoner, and desired that his 
Chirurgeons and Doctors might have free Access unto him for his 
Kecovery. His Excellency certified the Trumpet that he was 
dead, and returned his Body to the King, to receive those funeral 
rites as his Majesty would give it. Some say, that his body was 
ransomed for three hundred Pieces of Gold." This latter statement 
is borne out by Whitelock in his Memoirs, who further narrates 
that the money was divided by Essex among his soldiers: and 
that this statement, as to the disposal of the body of the Marquis, 
is probable may be inferred from the fact that the registers of the 
Parish Church of Hungerford, though containing records of the 
burial of soldiers, make no reference to any who are of higher 
rank or greater note.* 

Monsieur de Larrey observes in reference to the Marquis : — 
"The French, who never fail of illustrating the actions of their 
countrymen, extol the prowess of Chartre, rersans, and Beaveau, 
[and Vieuvillef] four of their heroes who were in this engagement 
near Hungerford, These came over with the Count de Harcourt, 
whom the young King Lewis the 14*^, or rather the Queen 
Regent, sent into England, in quality of Ambassador Extraordin- 
ary, to negociate a reconciliation between the King and the 
Parliament ; these four lords suflfering themselves to be carried 
away with the fire natural to their nation, and forgetting the 
occasion of their journey, came and oflfer'd their services to the 
King, and were actually in the battle. It cost the Marquis of 
Vieuville his life, for he was killed by Col. Kilson, whom he had 
wounded and was pursuing with too much obstinacy; and the 
bravery of these mur adventurers was the occasion of the 
Ambassador's negociation proving abortive. For the Parliament, 
resenting his partiality, would not hearken to his proposals. 
This was what they signified to him by the Earls of Stamford 
and Salisbury, who were deputed by the two Houses. The 
ambassador excus'd it as an imprudent action, which he said 
could not be imputed to him; and for which the other had been 

* The Aldboume Registers are blank during the period of the Civil War, and 
they do not recommence until 1646; but in the Hungerford Registers, are the 
following entries: 1643, Sept. 18, buried four soldiers: Sept 25, buried another 
Holdier: Oct. 4, Henry Chorbley a soldier. It would seem from the dates that 
these were some of the victims of the skirmish above described. Had de Vieuville 
been interred there, doubtless it would have been mentioned. 

t This name is omitted in the text, but referred to in a marginal note. See 
Clarendon's Hist. v. ii, p. 346. 



suflSciently punished by the death of one of their companions: 
but these excuses were rejected. Even he himself was accus'd as 
coming rather as a spy than an ambassador, and with a design 
rather to foment the troiibles than to appease them." * 

The Royalist's account is somewhat more lengthy, as may be 
expected, and they evidently view the affair of iQdboume Cnase 
as a minor victory, though the success was so j)artial as scarcely 
to make it worth claiming. Still their preliminary movements 
were not unskilfully taken, for while Col. Hurry with 1,000 
troopers was dispatched to harass the rear, the remainder 
of the cavalry under Rupert himself moved off to intercept 
and assail the head of the hostile column. Here let the 
Royalist writer, "a noble person from the South," tell the 
story in his own words. " It was our good lucke to cross his 
army just as our party had overtaken it upon the open Downe, 
two miles on the north-west side of Auburne. The Kebells des- 
crying us drew up in Battalia, leaving onely a body of some 200 
Horse upon a Hill, somewhat distant from the drosse of their 
Army, which we found means so to steale upon with Hurryes 

Earty, as to charge and rout them, and taking two Cometts, and 
illing forty or mty Men, without any losse on our part, we beat 
them into their Foot, and Cannon; upon which occasion we dis- 
covered such evident symptomes of feare and distraction in their 
whole Army, as that the Prince was well nigh tempted from his 
temper, and was once resolved to have charged with three thous- 
and Horse alone; their whole Army consisting of two thousand 
Horse, and five thousand Foot at least, and store of Cannon. But 
newes arriving at the instant. That our Foot was beyond expecta- 
tion, advanced within six or seven Miles of us, it imposed upon 
his Highnesse prudence this caution, not to adventure upon 
halfe our strength, that rest, which the next day he might be 
sure to fight for with double power: Upon which consideration 
he made a stand, resolving that night, onely to attend them and 
hinder their March. We had not stood long, when we discovered 
that the enemy prepared for a retreat, and by degrees drew 
away their Baggage first, then their Foot, leaving their Horse at a 
good distance from them. The Prince his designe hereupon, 
was, to have charged them, when halfe their forces should have 
been drawne off the field into those Lanes whereunto their 
Baggage was already advanced. But their Motions being so very 
slow, and the Night drawing on; upon second thoughts, his 
Highnesse judged it the best course, to try if by a small party 
he could ingage their Horse, which was then grown to be a good 
distance from their Foot. This party he committed to the care 
of Hurrey, with two Regiments onely neer at hand to second 

* History of the Reign of King Charles I, Lend. 1716, vol ii., pp 166—6. An 
excellent portrait of the Marqnis de Vieuville was formerly in the collection of the 
Duke of Buckingham at Stowe. 


him, keeping the Body of his Horse at such a distance, as might 
incourage the enemy to venture on that severed part, which they 
did with a little too much incouragement, for to say the truth, 
the Regiment that should have seconded Hurrey, not doing their 
part so well as they ought, forced his party almost to make 
somewhat a disorderly retreat, and the Prince to send hasty 
succours to them; which the Queenes Regiment (commanded by 
my Lord Jermine) was ordered to doe, which his Lordship per- 
formed with much galantry, being received very steadily by a 
strong Body of the enemies' Horse, and with a composednesse in 
the Officer that commanded them, very remarkable, for his 
Lordship advancing before his Regiment, with the Marquesse of 
Viville on one hand, and the Lord Digby on the other, the 
enemies volley of Carbines (given them smartly at lesse than 
ten yards) being past, the Commander (somewhat forwarder 
than the rest) was plainly seen to prye into their Countenances, 
and removing his levell from one to another to discharge his 
PistoU, as it were by election at the Lord Digbyes head, but 
without any more hurt (saving onely the burning of his face) then 
he himselfe received by my Lord Jer^nan's sword, who (upon the 
Lord Digbyes PistoU missing fire) ran him with it into the back: 
but he was as much beholding there to his Arms, as the Lord 
Digby to his head-piece. Immediately upon this shock, the 
Queene's Regiment was so charged in the reare by a fresh body 
of theirs, that the greatest part of it shifting for themselves, the 
Lord Jermine accompanied with the French Marquesse, and the 
Officers onely of his regiment thought it as safe a way, as well as 
the most honourable to venture forward through their whole 
Army, rather than to charge back through those that invironed 
him, and so with admirable successe (the unhappy losse of that 
gallant Marquesse excepted) he brought himselfe, foure Coullers, 
and all his Officers off safe, having made their way round 
through the grosse of the Enemies foot. The Lord Digby (being 
stunn'd and for the present blinded with his shot,) was fortun- 
ately received out of the middle of a Regiment of the Enemies by 
a brave Charge, which Prince Rupert in Person made upon them 
with His own Troope, where in His Highnesse Horse was shot in 
the Head under Him; but yet by God's blessing brought him off. 
And so the Enemies' Horse being beaten quite up to their Foot and 
Cannon, the night comming upon us, gave a Period tothat action."* 
After this the Royalists proceeded towards Newbury, and the 
Parliamentarians to Hungerford, where crossing the Kennet they 
also prepared for a further advance towards the former town, 
though by the opposite bank of the stream. It is evident that 
Essex had originally designed to proceed to Reading by the London 
Road on the left bank of the river, but the sudden irruption of 

♦ A Copy of a Letter written to his Excellence the Marquesse of Newcastle by a 
noble person from the South, &c., &c., 1643, p. 5, et seq. 


Rupert's Cavalry led him of necessity to change his plan. If 
the skirmish was not completely successful, it at any rate forced 
the Parliamentarians off their direct road and compelled them 
to place an obstacle between themselves and theur pursuera. 
Throughout it must be borne in mind that Essex's chief desire 
was to reach London. To fight his way there was apparently 
not his intention, if it could hd avoided. But the cavaur action 
delayed him by driving him off the London Road, and enaoled the 
King's Infantry to reach Newbury, and thus the Royal Army 
appeared in menacing force on the flank of the Une of march of 
the Parliamentarians, obliging the Earl to form front to his 
flank and attempt to defeat the King before he continued his 
advance towards the Capital Probably he hoped to pass the 
Kennet at Newbury; but having failed there, he chose the next 
available passage, that of Padworth, after the battle on the 
20th September had been decided in his fevour. The skirmish, 
however, though well conceived and, as we have seen, partially 
successful, was but feebly executed. The opportunity afforded 
by the lengthy division of the Earl's column of marcn on open 
ground, for a demoralizing blow at the Army of the Parliament was 
almost lost through the want of order and method of the attack. 
" The Armies " writes Byron again, "were then drawne so near 
together that it was impossible the enemy could avoid fighting 
with us if we pleased, and hereupon a fourth error may he 
observed, for notwithstanding the necessity there was of fighting 
(at least if they persisted in their marching to London and we in 
ours of preventmg them) yet no orders were given out for the 
manner of our figliting and how the army should be embattled 
as usually is done on the like occasions." Skill must be combined 
with courage to reap the full fruits of victory; and these only 
partially rested with the troopers of the King, for the army of the 
Parliament made good its march to Hungerford though it left 
behind it according to the *Mercurius Aulicus' " 17 carts heavily 
laden with ammunition and victual, three whereof were bullet, 
the rest wheat and other provisions, leaving there also the 
1,000 sheep (previously mentioned) tyed by the legs, 200 whereof 
were at once restored to their owners, the rest left till those who 
had a just right to them should come and claim them."* Both 
sides suffered considerable loss in this encoimter. Of the officers 
of the Parliament, Capt. Middleton and Capt. Hacket are recorded 
as being slain. Whitelock estimates the killed on both sides at 
about 80; and the 'True Informer' of September 23rd, 164?3, 
says "Of persons of note slain on the King's side in the skirmish 
was the Marquis of Vieuville, his son, and Sir John Throgmorton," 
but this appears to be one of the frequent exaggerations of party 
pamphleteers. Sir Robert Throckmorton held the title at this 

* 'Mercurius Aulicus,' Friday, October 6th» 1643. 


time and died in 1650. Two of the Throckmortons, Colonels Am- 
brose and Thomas, were in the service of King Charles, but it is 
not recorded in any other account of the skirmish that either fell 
here, or that the Marauis de Vieuville had a son killed in the 
action. Some traces oi the fight were found in May, 1815, when 
the workmen, in widening the turnpike road from Swindon to 
Hungerford, exhumed sixty skeletons on removing a bank at 
Preston at the spot where tne parishes of Aldboume and Rams- 
bury join, a few yards from tne turning leading to the latter 
place. The skeletons were those of young men and lay scattered 
about two feet below the surface. The bones were placed in 
carts and conveyed to the churchyards of Aldboume and Rams- 
bury where they were re-interred. If, as in all probability, these 
remains were those of the soldiers slain in the skirmish on the 
Chase, it is a singular coincidence that the boimdary-line of two 
parishes should have been chosen, as at Newbury, for the place of 
burial for the slain. It is probable that as this "running fight" 
extended over both parishes, the parochial authorities imdertook 
jointly to gather up and inter the dead, the union point of their 
respective parishes being selected as significant of the mutual 
character of their obligation, and also as an enduring landmark. 
A considerable portion of this bank, which has the appearance of 
having been artificially raised, still remains at the side of the 
road, and can be identified by a row of fir trees growing at the 
top. In Love's Coppice, about 1,500 yards west from where the 
bodies were found, a large number of silver coins of Elizabeth, 
James I., and Charles I. were discovered some few years ago, the 

S eater portion of which came into the possession of the late 
ajor Seymour, of Crowood, on whose property the wood is 
situate, who had them melted up and macle into a tankard. 
A tradition exists, that during "The Troubles" many of the 
inhabitants of Ramsbury, fearful of being plundered ana of losing 
their lives, took shelter in this wood; these coins may have been 
buried at this time by one of the refugees, and by some accident 
never again recoverea. 

To return to the King. With the foot and artillery his Majesty 
continued to advance steadily, and on Sunday morning, Sept. 
17th, wrote to Prince Rupert, by John Ashbumham, as foflows: — 

''May it please your Highness, His Majesty hath commanded me 
to let your Highness know that he has altered his resolution of 
quartering this night at Bnrford, and now intends to quarter at 
Alnesscott at the Lady Ashcome's house where he will be better furn- 
ished with provisions for his army, and bein^ the straighter way, will 
save three or four miles march. It is withm 5 miles of Farrington, 
whither his Majesty desires you would advertise him this night of 
your proceedings. ♦ ♦ ♦ Sir, your most hxunble Servant, John 
AsHBTJENHAM. Northleach, 12 o'clock, Sept. 17th, 1643." ♦ 

* E. Warbnrton's 'Prince Bapert/ toL ii, 289. 


The same evening another letter, written by Lord George Digby, 
was sent by the King: — 

**May it please your Highness, The King hath received your High- 
ness' s letter written from Stamford, at five of the clock this evening, 
and commands me thereupon to let your Highness know, that since it 
appears by your inteUigence that my Lord of Essex is not so far out 
of reach as was feared, he is desirous to make all haste towards him ; 
his Majesty's army being all, except stragglers, well up hither to 
Alnesscott; his Majesty's desire therefore is that if your intelligence 
of the Rebells not being further advanced than Cricklade continue 
true, your Highness will be pleased to send speedily your opinion 
which way and to what place it wiU be fit for the King to march with 
his army tomorrow. As we looke uppon the map here, supposing that 
Essex points for Reading, we conceive Wantage will be the aptest 
place, but in this His Majesty conceives he is to be governed wholly 
by directions from your Highness according to your discoveries of 
their motions, or the impressions you shaU make upon them, and 
therefore, he desires your Highness to send hinri speedy advertisements, 
of what you shall conceive best. Your Highness's most humble 
servant, George Digby. Alnesscott, at 8 at night, this Sunday. I 
am commanded to add, that you should consider to allow the foot here, 
as much rest as can well be without losing the opportunity. Sept. 17, 
1643. Digby."* 

The next morning Charles dispatched another missive to 
Kupert, in reply to a letter from the Prince, this time written 
by the Duke of Richmond: — 

''Your Highness. I have let the King see what you writt, who 
approves of all in it, and will accordingly perform his part, only 
desires to have certain knowledge when Essex moved, or shall move 
from Cricklade, that if His Majesty's armie can arrive time enough 
(which he will the presently he receives the answer), he wiU. take up his 
quarters at or about Wantage, so as to reach Newbury as you propose, 
but if that cannot be, he is loth to wearie the foot after so great a march 
as they have had, which you know infers that many are behind. Last 
night my Lord Digby writt to your Highness by the King's order 
upon the receipt of yours from Stamford, to which I can add what is 
only known since, that besides Yavasour and some other forces, Wood- 
house will, I feel confident, come to-day with the Prince of Wales's 
regiment, say 700. * * * The motion of our armie depends much 
on the advertisement from you wiU give information. Eichmond and 
Leis^ox, September 18, at 1, morning." f 

After a brief halt at Faringdon, where the King dined, the 
troops were soon again on the move; and that evening they reached 
Wantage, his Majesty sleeping at the house of Sir Geo. Wilmot 
at Charlton. Thither Rupert sent an express messenger to the 
King urging him to advance with all speed in the direction of 

♦ E. Warburton's ' Prince Rupert,' vol. ii, p. 290. 

t The above extract has been made through the courtesy of Q-. A. Day, Esq., 
with the kind permission of V. F. Benett-Stanford, Esq., M.P., a descendant of 
Colonel Benett, Prince Rupert's Secretary, from one of the many original letters 
recently discovered at Py t House, Wilts. 


Newbury, as Essex was now fairly on his way to that place, the 
possession of the town being the object chiefly aimed at by the 
enemy. The Prince meanwhile marched witn his horse from 
Aldboume to Lambome, where he refreshed his wearied troopers, 
and then eagerly pressed onwards to anticipate the Earl of Essex 
and check his process. He was just in time, not a minute 
too soon; for arriving at Newbury early on Tuesday morning, 
the 19 th September, he found the Lord General's advanced 
guard already in the town, engaged in preparing quarters for the 
on-coming troops of the Parliament.* With scarcely a moment's 
halt, the leading squadron of the King's troops, headed by the 
untiring Rupert, confronted the startled Parliament men who 
were ignorant of the nearness of the royal cavalry, but who, 
perceiving that resistance with so small a force was useless, 
made a precipitate flight, leaving several of their quarter-masters 
in the hands of the enemjr. Troop after troop now poured 
into the town, which the Prince secured, and left Essex to the 
scanty resources of its immediate vicinity. 

The march of the Royal Army from Gloucester had been thus 
conducted: — 

irieHTs. xiLss. 

"Sept. 14. ToEvisham.. .. ..2 4 

16. ToSnowshill .. .. 16 

17. To Norlich [NortMeach] dinner, Als- 
cot, supper . . . . 112 

18. To Faringdon dinner, to Wantage Sir 
George Wilmot's, [Charlton] 
supper and bed . . . . 1 10 

19. Dinner in the field Newbury, to supper 
and bed Mr. Cox's, and on Wed- 

nesday, the 20th, the great battle 
was struck there . . . . 4 10 

„ 23. To Oxford during pleasure . . 20'' 

Iter Ca/rolinum. 

Note. The actual distance from Wantage to Newbury and from the 
latter town to Oxford somewhat exceeds that above stated. 

A few hours later, the brilliant troop of Life Guards, composed 
of the noblest and wealthiest cavahers, who had no separate 
command, with casque and plume and glittering cuirass came 
moving on in stately and martial style. They heralded the 
approach of the ill-starred but gallant King, who, conspicuous in 
his steel armour, and on whose breast glittered the Star and 
George, rode at the head of his infantry. The young Prince of 
Wales (who held the rank of Captain of horse) was by his side; 
and for the first time during the war entered the good old town of 
Newbury, so soon to be associated with events of the deepest 
significance in connection with the great national revolution. 


* Mercurius Aulicus,* September 19, 1643. 


Lord Clarendon computes the amount of income possessed by 
this single troop as at least equal to that of all the Lords and 
Commons [in London] who made and maintained that war. 
Sir Philip Warwick, who tells us he himself "rode therein," com- 
putes this income at £100,000 per annum, equal, perhaps, to 
three times that sum according to our present standard. * 

Newbury was the pivot, so to speak, around which much of 
the fighting, during the Civil War, in the southern part of 
England for a long period centred. 

Its history goes far back into mediaeval time. The Manor and 
Lordship, wnich had previously passed through a variety of 
hands,f were by letters patent, 1 Edward IV., 1460-1, granted 
by that monarch to his mother Cecilia, Duchess of York, for 
life, in recompense for her jointure, and from its description 
in this Instrument as "the manor and lordship of NewDury, 
with the borough of Newbury "I the town had been probably 
incorporated, or was a borough by prescription, at a mucn 
earlier period than is generally supposed. Whilst held by the 
Crown the Manor was frequently assigned as a jointure to 
the Queens of England. Henry VlII. granted it to his Queen, 
Lady Jane Seymour; and James I. assigned it as a dower to 
Queen Anne, of Denmark, mother of Charles I. The latter 
made over the Manor to the Corporation of Newbury ,§ in consi- 
deration of £50 and an annual payment of £20 4s. 2Jd., in 
answer to the following petition for its purchase, presented to 
Parliament: 11 

"Rt. Honble. That the Mair, Aldermen, and Burgesses might 
take the Manor and liberties thereof in fee farme. Your honble. 
House hath bin informed that the said suite is only the desire of 
some few within the town, and not general, and yet that your 
honble. House hath bin obliged to admit the said Corporation to 
compound for the same, make bold to testifie your honble. House 
that we specially desire the said Corporation to be possessed 
thereof before any other. Wee having good experience of their 
great love and regard for the welfare of the Town and of helping 
to safe [save] the poor inhabitants thereof in all taxes and pay- 
ments within the town that they possibly can, and in keeping 
the town in good order, for which your honble favour shewed to 

♦ E. Warburton'B 'Prince Rupert,' vol. i, p. 422. 

t See " Hist. Newbury," and Godwin's " Worthies of Newbury." 

t Rot. Pat. Edw. IV., pt. 4, m. 1. Pub. Rec. Off. 

§ The lands which comprise a portion of the Manor of Newberry, Co. Cork, 
Ireland, are said to have been granted by the Crown to Capt, Newman, an ancestor 
of its present possessor, for his eminent services in the battle of the 20th September, 
the name of * Newberry' being bestowed on the property in commemoration of the 

II Copied from a contemporary duplicate of the original in the Corporation 


tiem in their behalf, wee and all our posteritie with many more 
shall be each bound to pray to God for your honbles. long life and 
prosperous estate. 

William Howes, Mair. 
GabrieU Coxe, the elder. Thomas Ohokke. Bichard Money. 

William Twisse (Eector). William Ghrove. Timothie Avery, 

Thomas Dolman, Eobert Daunce, William Wilmot. 

&c. &c. &c. 

Like many other places engaged in the staple manufacture 
of England — ^woollen cloth, the town of Newbury was well aflfected 
to the Parliament. The reasons are not far to seek Besides 
being influenced by religion and a sense of independence, the 
inhabitants of manufacturing towns had especially suffered from 
the monopolies and extortions which had raised the price of 
necessaries and shackled the enterprise of trade. Again, the 
Protestant Nonconformists were a numerous and influential body, 
and in the same ranks, says Macaulay,* were to be found most 
of those members of the Established Church, who still adhered 
to the Calvinistic opinions, which, forty years before, had been 
gfenerally held by the prelates and clergy. Such a man was 
Dr. Twisse, the Puritan Kector of Newbury, whose teaching must 
have exercised a decided influence in forming the opinions of the 
town and neighbourhood. Newbury had also, from its position 
on the great western road, its proximity to Oxford, the King's 
head-quarters, and the royal garrisons at Donnington, Basing, 
Faringdon, and Wallingford, suffered perhaps to a greater extent 
than any other town in the kingdom from the disastrous effects 
of this unhappy war. Its inhabitants were therefore induced by 
the strongest motives to espouse the cause of Parliament. 

The foUowinff letters, written by members of each party, will 
enable the reader to form an impartial view of the prochvities 
of the people of Newbury at this juncture: — 

Lord Grandison to Prince Eupert. 

Marlboro' 8 Dec. [1642]. 
May itt please your High®*- I know not how well to give credite to 
it, but there is two gentlemen nowe come from Newberie frighted from 
thence the lastt nightt by intelligence they had of some of the enemies 
forces were to come into Newberie invited thether hy the towmmen, who 
have only reported the plague to bee there to keepe the King's troopes 
oute, how slight soever Sis may be, sure I am that disaffected 


eoming from Basingstoke they stopped all onr baggage and had 
detained itt butt thatt they hered wee were strong enou^ to reveng 
itt. The Sherife of this Countie intends to be heer this day to order 
some things for his Maj^^^- service, these same are the reasons thatt 
keept mee a day in this Dumt and plundered quarter. ♦ ♦ ♦ 
From your High*"* most hiunole faithful servant, Grandison. 

* HitW of Eng. ToL i, p. 106.. 


This letter, from the Fyt House Collection, appears to hafe 
been written immediately after the capture and plunder of 
Marlborough by the Royausts ("the most notoriously disaffected 
town of all the country," says Clarendon). This was the first 
garrison taken on either side; when a great part of the town 
was burnt. Lord Grandison died from the effects of wounds 
received at the siege of Bristol the following year. 

Two days previously the Earl of Essex wrote to the Parlia- 
mentary Colonels Gooawin and Hurry: — 

S rs, — Since I received your letter I have had information that 
Marlborough has been 2 days assaulted by the King's forces [Essex 
here gives instructions to the two Colonels to march with all speed to 
its relief]. * ♦ * You have Newhtrry^ a very honest towne, to march 
to in ye way, where you may encourage forces to follow you, and it is 
a very good place to assist you upon all occasions. Your assured friend, 

Windsor, Dec. 6, 1642, 8 o'clock at night. Essex. 

Endorsed for Col. Goodwin, Col. Hurry, or either of them. * 

Col. Goodwin, on his return to Newbury from Marlborough, 
gave the following accoimt of his proceedings in a letter without 
superscription, but probably addressed to Philip, Lord Wharton, 
his son-in-law, with whom he was in frequent correspondence 
at this time: — 

My Lord, — ^We have had many painful joumies since I saw you, 
but none like that of Thursday, when we missed meeting the King's 
forces, and only because we could not get out our dragoons till noon. 
We went then on to Wantage, where were 3 regiments, 1 of horse, 
1 of foot, 1 of dragoons, and my Lord Digby with certcun ladies, they 
had intelligence before we came up, which was in dark night, and 
hasted away, we caught about 50 prisoners, mv Lord Jermyn's lady 
and 3 or 4 other women. Sir Eobt. Lee and his broth^* and there were 
some thirty slaine, some ammunition was left, which because we could 
not bring away was spoyled. I can write no more to night, the rather 
because I must be up by 5 in the morning to visit Andover, where my 
Lord Grandison is, they say, with 3,000 horse and dragoons, but I 
hope not so many. I think I shall run away and be with you shortly 
for we are all most abominable plunderers, as bad as Prmce Bobert 
[Eupert], and shall be as much hated, as when complaints come, I am 
ashamed to look an honest man in the face, truly, it is as bad to me as 
a bullet. It is now nearing morning, excuse me to all my friends : 
the Lord be with you all. Yours ever to command. A. G., Newbury. 
Sunday mominge, Deo. [12th]. P.S. — Our letters to my Lord G^dL 
surely are intercepted.! 

In a letter written by Col. Dalbier J from Newbury and pre- 
sented to the House of Lords by the Committee of Oxon, Bucks, 
and Berks, requesting the payment of the forces under his 

• Tanner MSS., Bibl. Bodl. v. 62/2. 

t Carte's MSS., liOtters, Bibl. Bodl. y. 103. For particulars of tins service at 
Marlborough and Wantage, see Waylen's Hist. Marlb., pp 166—9. 

{ Sometimes written D*Albier, Dalbiere, or Dnlbier. 







• .^.^^' 



command then lying in the town, it was ordered by their 
Lordships, "That some course be speedily afnd effectually taken 
for the maintenance of these forces, lest they disband and be 
lost, and that town [Newbury] which hath on all occasions 
fnanifested so Tniich affection for the Parliament come again 
within the power of the enemy."* 

From all this it will be seen that, though the town was fre- 

Juently in the Koyalists' hands, and the neighbouring Castle of 
)onnington maintained a royal garrison during the whole of the 
years 164!3 to 1646, the general sympathy of the people was 
rather with Roundhead than with Cavalier. 

To the Royalist cause it was a place of great military value. 
Situated as it is on one of the most ancient ana important passages 
of the Kennet, it is a place of considerable strategical importance. 
If occupied by an enemy, it menaced the main roads leading from 
the west by Reading to London; and for the Royalist Army, based 
as it was on Oxford, it« possession enabled them to intercept any 
movement that might be attempted in the Kennet Valley, while 
their own line of retreat was completely covered. In addition to 
this, Donnington Castle, an ancient fortress the strength of which 
had been enormously increased by the construction of field- 
works of good trace and profile, further protected a retrograde 
movement if it became necessary, and acted, so to speak, as an 
advanced fort on this side of the Thames. The castle was at the 
time held by a staunch Royalist, Sir John Boys, and was situated 
about one mile north of Newbury near the Oxford road, which it 
completely commanded. South of the town, the ground rises 
•ad!ually to a narrow plateau occupying the area between the 
Rennet and the En or W ash Rivulet, the western extremity of 
which towards Hungerford was known as Enbome Heath, and 
the eastern, in the immediate neighbourhood of Newbury, as 
Wash Common, over which the road from Oxford to Southampton 

fassed. It was on this latter portion of the high land that the 
'irst Battle of Newbury was fought. So that while the Army 
of Essex, which had crossed the Kennet at Hungerford, was 
moving on the outer arc, as it were, to gain the passages of the 
stream lower down and so reach Reading, that of the King, after 
the cavalry skirmish just described on Aldboume Chase, was 
marching oy the shorter chord and had occupied the town as 
well as the fields to the South of it before their adversaries had 
reached the Wash. The option of giving or refusing battle 
therefore rested with the King, and as he encamped his troops 
on the night of 19th September in the fields below the heights 
his choice had evidently been made. 

Meanwhile the Parliamentary General, after the engagement 
on Aldboume Chase, marched to the Eastward under dis- 


* Journal of Ho. of Lords, 8 Jan., 1646. 


couragin^ circumstances. "We were much distressed,"' says 
one of his men, for want c^ sleep as also for other sustenance. 
It was a night of much rain and we were wet to the skin." 

In passing through the principal street of Aldboume on his 
way to Hungerford, two of his ammunition wagons unfortunately 
broke down, but to prevent their falling into the hands of the 
enemy, matches were put to thepa and they were left to explode. 
This proved some hmdrance to the pursuers, and the Earl 
managed to reach Chilton without further interference. Here 
some of his army lodged that night in the fields. Others were at 
Hungerford. Essex himself quartered at Chilton House.* The 
army of the Parliament suffered greatly from want of food and 
from exposure of the weather, and for three days could get no 
supplies for man or horse beyond the scanty stock they carriM with 
them. The enemy's force followed them so closely, and the royalist 
horse were so far above them in number that they could not with 
any safety send out parties to forage, as their opponents did. 

fey six o'clock on Tuesday morning, 19th September, Essex 
and his troops again met at Hungenord-f* where what little 
sustenance could be obtained was portioned out to the men. 
The order to march was soon given, and the columns of the 
Parliament, with the brave Earl leading the van, advanced on 
their eventful enterprise. 

The route taken by Essex, who appears even at this time to 
have been ignorant of the King's intentions, and not to have 
anticipated his rapid movements, was through Kintbury and 
Hamstead to Enbome by the road parallel with, and south of the 
Kennet; but on approaching Newbury, where he had designed 
to quarter, he found to his surprise that his advanced guard had 
been dislodged and driven out, and that the Kin^ occupied the 
town and its approaches. Thereupon he drew his anny into a 
favourable position in the fields screened by the woods at Enbome, 

♦ Chilton House, at this time, appears to have been the prop^^rty of Mr. John 
Packer, proprietor of Donnington Castle. His seeond son. John, a Fellow of tho 
Koyal College of Physicians of London, described himse f in his Will dated 
22 June, 1703, as of Ohilton-FoUatt, W'lts. It was at Dr. Packer's house at 
Chilton that the Marquis of Halifax, the Earl of Nottingham, and Lord (^odolphin, 
the Cummissioners appointed by James II. to treat with the Prince of Orange» 
slept on tho night of Friday, 7th, December inS8. Chi '.ton Lodge another seat in 
this village was the property of the eminent Cromwellian statesman Sir Hulstrode 
"Whitelock, and here the "Memorials*' and other works were chiefly written. He 
died at Chilton, in 1675, and was buried at Fawley, near Henley-on-Thames, 
but there is no memorial of him in the church. Bis widow, Lady Whitelock, 
died at Chilton, in 1684. 

t Hungerford Park, with all manorial rights within its limits, had been granted 
by the Crown in lo95 to the Trustees of Essex's unfortunate father, who was 
beheaded in 1601. There was no house in Hungerford Park when granted to the 
Earl of Essex, and it is not improb ible he i^as the builder of the ancient mansion 
pulled down by a later owner, Mr. Dalbiac, at the east end of which were the arms 
of Queen Elizabeth : a largo and lofty room over the servant's hall was called 
Queen Elizabeth's room. Lysons' Magna Britannia, vol. i. p. 296. 


and here encamped; his men, notwithstandme all the perils and 
trials of a long and toilsome march, being ''mil of courage and 
in no way disheartened at their hard service." Essex himself 
it is said, sought shelter in a poor thatched cottage, which still 
stands as the Lord General's traditional resting place.* 

He found himself in a position of considerable difficulty 
and danger. It was essential, for his plans, that he should 
convey his army as far as possible intact to London, and his 
object would have been gamed by avoiding a general action 
altogether. But speed was also essential, and with ill disciplined 
troops, the inferior equipment, cumbrous artillery, baggage, and 
supply-trains of those times, the shortest road was more than 
ever the quickest. Divergence from the most direct route was 
not only difficult and slow of execution, both from the want of 
accurate maps or information, and the want of experience in. 
directing the movements of large bodies of men, but also from 
the inferior nature of all the roads save those that formed the 
great arteries of communication. But there was yet another 
reason. The land was not so well drained in those days as in 
ours. Low lands were more liable to periodical inundations, and 
were therefore more generally impassable to men and horses, 
let alone wheeled vehicles; and naturally dry heath or high land, 
such as characterises the ridge of hills between the Kennet and 
the En Brook, affi)rded as a rule more ready and more certain 
facilities for marching. Hence it was that, even at the risk of a 
battle, the line of advance was directed in front of Newbury by 
Crockham, Greenham, and Crookham Heaths on London. 

The presence of the Koyalist Army at Newbury, the possession 
therefore of all the points of passage of the river in this neigh- 
bourhood, and the occupation of the London Koad, all compelled 
him to execute that most difficult of all manoeuvres, a flank 
march in the presence of the enemy. 

Military criticism on the Earl's difficulties seems almost unne- 
cessary. It is evident that to pass by the hostile force without 
offering battle exposed him to three dangers; an attack on his left 
flank as he passed, an assault on his rear after he had passed, 
and the possible capture of his baggage which would move by 
the best road and in rear of his columns. The first danger 
would lead to his defeat in detail, for the left wing would have 
had to stand the attack of the whole of the King's Army perhaps 
before the right wing could come to its assistance, thus breaking 
through the common principle of never offering your divided 

* Bi^g*8 Cottage, where local tradition records Essex slept the night before the 
battle, 18 a time-worn old tenement, apparenUj of an age anterior to tbebe eyents, 
situate at the foot of Bigg's Hill (hereafter referred to) on the borders of what 
was formerly Enbome Heath or Down, and in about the centre of Essex's position. 
The occupier of the cottage states that, in clearing out a well near the spot soma 
yeart since, tome ooins of tiie Caroline period and a diamond ring were found. 


fractions to the blows of a yastly superior force. The second 
might have been still more disastrous, as the forces not arrayed 
in battle order and marching along several roads might have 
been both crushed and routed. The last danger was all 
important, for without supplies of ammunition, let alone food, 
large bodies of troops must either spread for forage and food and 
become disorganized and scattered, or remain concentrated and 
starve. There was, and is, but one way of ejecting this strate^o 
manoeuvre, namely to place a sufficient obstacle between we 
advancing force and the enemy, such as a river, which either 
cannot be crossed or the passages of which are in the hands of 
strong detachments of the force. But these conditions did not 
obtain, for Newbury was then the Royal Head Quarters, so that 
the Parliamentary Army could not hope to pass rapidly by, 
while flanking detachments resisted the enemy's attempt to 
debouch on the exposed flank. He was prevented from marching 
by the roads south of the En, probably, ooth because of the wide 
detour, which would have given the Royalists time to concentrate 
larger forces, and, moving more rapidly than he by the better 
roads in the Kennet Valley, again present themselves before 
him under perhaps even more disadvantageous circumstances, 
and also by the inferior character of the roads. So it was that 
the Earl of Essex drew up his forces between the Kennet and 
Bigg's Hill, resolved to cut his way through the army of the King, 
should it attempt to bar his path to London. 

Lord Essex's camping ground appears to have extended from 
the irregularly enclosed fields on the left, which protected him 
against a surprise by the Newbury and Kintbury Road, to 
Crockham Heath on the left. A natural ravine of some depth 
sheltered him in front, whilst his left flunk had the protection of 
the woods at Hamstead, and of the Kennet river, and his right 
rested on the little river En. Here, with the rain falling in 
torrents, no fire! no food! the weary but resolute soldiers of the 
Pariiament remained under arms all night "impatient of the 
sloth of darkness, and wishing for the morning's light to exercise 
their valour." Essex's dispositions were well made. An attack 
by the Royalists along the Kintbury-Enborne-Newbury road 
might have captured his baggage, and, if pushed successfully, 
have "turned" his left flank, cutting him off from the best road of 
retreat (that by Kintbury and Hungerford), and possibly driving 
his army back in disorder on the En Brook.To cross this by bad 
roads and few bridges would have led to the abandonment of his 
artillery and baggage, — to his being driven South and thus far off 
his road to London, and have increased the demoralization and 
disorder of his troops. Hence it is that his reserve guarded this 
important road and took post at Enbome, while close to it lay the 
strong left wing of the main army. By occupying so extended a 
front as that from Enbome to the En he obtained other advan- 

Ih»it a icaree print in the British Mmewit. 


tages. His flanks, resting closely on the stream and on the 
wooded headland of Hamstead Park, were not liable to be turned, 
— ^that is, the enemy could not get round them and attack his 
flank or rear without his knowledge. Lastly with the large 
force at his command, it was well to utilize as many roads as 
possible, as at all times movement is easier by beaten tracks 
than across country; and, so long as his forces were not too 
widely disseminated, he displayed a sound appreciation of the 
military situation in covering the three lines oi advance by the 
roads. Bigg's Hill — Trundle Hill, Crockham — Wash Common, by 
Skinner's Green, Enborne — Newbury, which led him out on to 
the open land where he meant to give battle to the King. It 
seems exceedingly probable that, though the artillery (marching 
by the best road as all wheeled vehicles naturally would) may 
have halted at the "Slings" near Enborne, it was eventually 
brouffht up to Crockham Heath, both because its advance thence 
could be directed by any of the roads to the front (then partly 
in the occupation of the cavalier outposts) which might eventu- 
ally seem best, and also because, being centrally situated, it 
would be safer: artillery, always cumbrous, was terribly so then; 

funs were easily captured, and difiBcult to move away. There, 
owever, they were not only in safety but, as in all times 
good artillery positions are on high land because the extended 
view thence enables the gunner to obtain the greatest possible ad- 
vantage from the range the weapon has, the slow-moving guns of 
the Parliamentary Army were at any rate somewhat nearer their 
work, nearer their probable point of application, than down in 
the low-lying road that led from Enborne to Newbury. 

Essex, having completed all his arrangements, determined to 
direct his attack against that position of tne Royalist line on the 
Wash which barred the upper way to London, rather than 
attempt a passage through the town. In the stillness of the early 
dawn the rarliamentary General, favoured by the cover which 
sheltered his camping ground, ^ot his men under arms; and, 
riding from from regiment to regiment, he told his soldiers that 
the enemy had all the advantages, "the Hill, the Town, Hedges, 
Lane, and River;" but with calm determination they unanimously 
cried out, "Let us fall upon them! We will, by God's assistance, 
beat them from them all!"* and every man prepared himself 
promptly for the desperate struggle. 

''And you that know the gain at Newberry! 
Seeing the General, how undauntedly 
He then encouraged you for England^s right! 
When Royal forces fled, he stood the f^ght ! " f 

The disposition of the army was effected with great military 

♦ Viear*« Pari. Gfaron. 

t <' A FuneroU iioiiiim«nt to the most ranowaed fiarl of Esaex," pzinted in 
London, 1646. 


skill. The right, under Major General Skippon was on the rising 
ground by "Biggs Hill" ♦ and Hill Farm, extending along the 
Enbome Valley towards the Wash, the centre on the plateau, 
and the left in a more northerly direction towards Hamstead 
(Crockham Heath! The baggage or train was placed in or near 
what is now the front of Hamstead Park, opposite the Rectory, 
Enbome, described in the Parish Map as "The Slings,"-f* under 
the shelter of the Hamstead Woods; and here also was their 
reserve both of horse and foot. 

It has been said "there is no sound that ever rent the air so 
terrible as the deep silence of suspense before the battle-word is 
given; it is the moment when the soul sinks under the awe of 
something that thrills deeper than any fear;" and during that 
dread pause at Newbury many a fervent prayer was doubtless 
offered up to the God of Battles by the true hearts that 
abounded in both armies. They were prayerful men in those 
days, though superstitious and believers m witchcraft, as will be 
seen by the story of the death of the witch at Newbury, riven in 
the Appendix. Prayers were regularly put up at theliead of 
most regiments in both armies, even when arrayed for battle, 
and each re^ment had its own chaplain. The religious petitions 
of the Parliamentarians were frequently drawn out to a great 
length, while those of the Cavaliers were brief and to the 
purpose, such as old Sir Jacob Astley's at the battle of Edgehill, 
who dismounting from his horse, and taking a pike in his hand, 
offered up the following prayer at the heaa of his troops; 
Lord, Thou knowest how busy I Tnust he this day ; if I 
forget Thee, -do not Thou forget me. — March on, hoys! 

No sooner had the mists of an autumn morning disclosed the 
Royalists in battle array on tjie Wash, than Essex, anticipating 
their tactics, began to move forward to meet the enemy. The left 
division of his army under his own personal command, marched 
from Crockham Heath to Skinner's Green, and took possession of 
a neglected position of considerable military importance, a 
rounaed hill or spur in front of the lane leading from the Wash 
to the Enbome road, from whence a battery coind "command all 
the plain before Newbury." * 

{ Biggs Hill. The Hill referred to by Lord Clarendon and other writers on 
the Civil Wars as the spot above Essex drew up his army in order of battle. This 
HiU of considerable length and elevation, is near Hill Farm in the occupation 
of Mr. George Heath, on the line of march of Essex from Kintbury viA Hamstead 
village and Enbome Street. Biggs Hill is not marked in the old Ordnance Map, 
but it comprises the portions of Ituid marked in the Tithe Map, ''The Common" and 
" Hill Ground." Enbome Heath, Down, or Common was enclosed about 65 yeai s ago. 

t Ludlow, in his Memoirs, refers to " Slings " as a species of Artillery used by 
the Parliamentarians. 

* Lord Digby, in a letter written from Newbury the day after the battle, describes 
this elevation as "a round hill from whence a battery could command aU the plain 
before Newbury;" this is literally the case. It is marked in the Parish Map, 
"HiUy Ground." 


Early next morning, September 20th, the royal standard was 
moved forward, and floated proudly on the Wash. The King 
stationed his left wing and centre upon the brow of the hill 
slopinff towards Newbury, his right wing resting on the low 
OTOund in front of the town, where it was protected by hedges 
uned by Dragoons.* The heavy guns were planted on a 
roughly raised battery, remains of which still exist,i- extending 
from near the "Gun" public-house obli(juely across the plateau, 
whence they could play upon any attacking column advancing up 
the hill, and open an enfilading fire on any flank movement of 
Essex, should ne show himseu on the brow of the opposite 
eminence. Whitelock corroborates this view. He states that the 
Kinff had on his right hand the advantage of the river, and on 
the left a hill about half-a-mile from the town, where he had 
planted his ordnaTice. Oldmixon adds, "by reason of this dis- 
position the Parliamentarians had no passage to them, but 
what was exposed to the fire of the enemy's cannon." And 
that this position is the true one is proved further both by 
the remains still existing and by the "Mercurius Aulicus," 
which, in relating the King's preparations the night before the 
battle, informs us, that "The London pamphlets gape wide 
upon Aulicus for saying the King at Newbury was forced to 
fight for a place to fight on, still alledging that His Majesty on 
the Tuesday night had his canTwn planted on the hill. To 
which I answer once for all, that their dead bodies left behind on 
the place the next day manifest the contrary." As in all contro- 
versies, there are two sides to the question whether the King 
occupied the Common with his guns the night before the battle 
or not; and in the statements of either side there is a basis of 
truth. For though the Parliamentary writers may assert, and 
truthfully enough, that the King had to fight from the early 
morning of the 20th, in order to complete the deployment of his 
troops tor battle, it is not the less likely that the level ground of 
the plateau was, at least partially, occupied the evening before. 
The fact that the bulk of the King's army had encamped, late on 
the afternoon of the 19th, after a wearisome march, on the fields 
south of Newbury shows that, at any rate, the front of battle 
taken up the next day from the En to the Kennet was not 
assumed until the very morning of the great fight. Yet it is 
probable that the entrenchment for the guns was chosen and 

« « So called from * Dragon,' as they fought in air or on the ground, mounted or 
on foot. Except in cases of surprise, however, they seldom fired on horseback, and 
never charged ; they were, in fact, infantry with horses, to enable them to make 
more rapid movements : they were thrown forward to feel the way, skirmishing 
irom behind ditches as they advanced, or covering a retreat in the same fashion : 
one man held 10 horses in the rear, while his comrades, their riders, fought. Their 
long carbines were called 'dragons' from the cock being made in that shape." 
Orri/'a Art of War. 

t See Plan of the Battle. 


prepared the evening before the battle, though possibly it was 
only partially armed. 

The scene on Wash Common this September morning has thus 
been described in the picturesque language of Lord Carnarvon:- 
"There on the ground, the features of which to this day reflect 
the local incidents of the battle, the two armies were drawn up 
in hostile array. Could we recall that scene, how diflferent, 
probably, the features in either host! On the Parliamentarian 
side you would have seen the Roundheads mustering in great 
masses on the brow of that heathy hill, with their steeple- 
crowned hats and basket-hilted swords, whilst from their dull- 
featured, but resolute ranks there ascended the hum of some psalm, 
invoking God, as of old, to strike for His chosen people, and to 
smite the enemy; or there passed from mouth to mouth the 
watchword, as at Marston Moor *Gk)d with us;' or in the skilful 
disposition of their array you might have distin^shed the 
different colours and insignia of each leader and his followers. 
Here Lord Saye-and-Sele s men in blue; there Lord Brooke's in 
purple; here some of Hampden's men in green; and there, 
perhaps. Colonel Meyrick's regiment in grey; here. Sir Arthur 
Haslerigg's cuirassiers, who went by the name of 'The Lobsters;' 
and there, the London bands — who turned the fortune of that 
day, and who, as an old writer says, showed that they could use 
a sword in the field as well as a met-wand in the shop, in their 
well-known red uniform; whilst in the centre of the host, under 
the guidance of the saturnine Essex, you might have seen his 
followers with their orange colours, and have neard the homely 
cry, with which they went to battle — *Hey for old Robin!' But 
if you had cast your eye to the other side of the valley, you 
would have witnessed a different scene. There you woulcl have 
seen the cavaliers and gentlemen, with their troops Of tenants, 
retainers, and servants, gathering fast around their standards, in 
all the pride of strengtn and birth, and high spirit, their red 
scarfs flaunting in the cool breeze of an autumn morning; their 
spurs jingling, their plumes waving, their long hair (so much 
abominated by the Puritan divines) floating on their shoulders; 
in one word, with all that exquisite grace of dress and manner 
which evenyet breathes from the canvass of the great painter of 
the day. liiey too had their watchword, as at Marston Moor, 
*God and the King:' they too stood ranged in their different 
battalia and under different leaders. Here Newcastle's 'Lambs' 
as they were called, glistened in their white dresses; there Lord 
Northampton's men, in green; here perhaps, rode Lunsford, as he 
is described in the ballad, in his blue rocket, surrounded by his 
fire-eating horse; while on the edge of the hill, under a black 
banner, edged with yellow, and bearing the arms of the Palatine, 
might have been seen Prince Rupert's impetuous cavalry, clothed 
in their black uniform — ^black, a fitting colour for that thunder- 


storm of war which broke with resistless fury on the ranks of 
the enemy."* 

The relative situations of the two armies were greatly different. 
The King possessed immense advantages if they had been pro- 
perly turned to account. His army was strongly posted between 
the enemy and London, well supplied with a great store of 
provisions and other necessaries both for horse and man, which 
the town and people of Newbury, on intelligence that Essex was 
advancing towards them, had provided for his troops. -f* The 
King's line of retreat was safe, and he had the town of^ Newbury 
to protect him, had he found it necessary to fall back; while 
the enemy was in want and shelterless, and must either fight or 
starve. Though sensible of the strength of the position, even 
the impetuous Rupert advised passive resistance mstead of an 
advance to meet the enemy; and the King himself, even while 
conscious of his superiority, resolved to engage only on such 
terms as should ensure success. 

Essex's hopes, on the other hand, when he foimd himself out- 
stripped in the race, were chiefly based on the supposition that 
the King's troops were tired and unable to come to an actual 
engagement, and strengthened by a confidence that Waller (his 
old rival), who had been desired by the Parliament to advance to 
the relief of his army, would be with him that night. But at 
this time, Waller was quietly lying at Windsor, with 2,000 horse 
and as many foot, quite imconcemed as to what might befall 
the Earl at Newbury, as the Earl had been on his behalf at 
Roundway Down; otherwise, had he advanced upon the King at 
Newbury when the Earl was on the south side of the Kennet, 
the Royalists might have been in great danger of an utter defeat. 

The anxiety of the Royalists to gain the passages of the Kennet 
on the road to London is equaflv evident. Referring again to 
Lord Byron: — he says, "the day following, both armies march't 
as if it had been for a wager, which should come to Newbury 
first, and it was our fortune to prevent them of that quarter, 
and likewise of Donnington Castle." 

On arriving at Newbury, J the King, finding Essex encamped so 
close at hand, had no alternative out to prevent his further 
advance, and without loss of time took up a position extending 
from the town to Wash Common, where a portion of the horse 

* 'Hampshire: Its early and later History' ; being two Lectures deliyered at the 
Basingstoke liechanics* Institution, by the £!arl ot Camarvon, 1857* 

t 'The True Informer,' Sept. 23, 1643. 

X The King during his stay in Newbury quartered at the house of the Mayor, 
Mr. Gabriel Goxe. Afterwards when Charles II. who had been present with his father 
in both engagements, visited the town in 1663, and went over the battle-fields, 
Mr. Coxe presented a petition to his Majesty for payment of the expenses incurred 
in entertaining and providing for the Boyal Suite; but it seems he obtained 
no redress. 


was already posted; his front was strengthened by several hasty 
entrenchments, portions of which still remain, and every dispo- 
sition was made for a vigorous contest. 

Wash Common, before its enclosure and the construction of 
modern roads, comprised a large area of land now under cultiva- 
tion on both sides of the Andover Koad from Newbury, 
thus giving at the time of the battle a much more extended 
field of operations than is now presented by the existing 

The hasty advance of the Parliamentary troops seems to have 
led the Royalists to disregard the very common precaution of a 
study of the ground. They in all probability pushed beyond the 
town towards Wash Common by the main road leading south 
out of Newbury; but the value of the rounded spurs near Skinner's 
Lane, which commanded the whole of the low-lying ground 
between the Town and the Wash, had escaped their notice eith^ 
through negligence or fati^e after their hasty march. Byron's 
account fully Dears out this view, he says, "Here another error 
was committed, and that a most gross and absurd one, in not 
viewing the ground, though we had day enough to have done it, 
and not possessing ourselves of those hills above the town by 
which the enemy was necessarily to march the next day to 

Owing to the close proximity of the two combatants the night 
before tne battle, several skirmishes ensued between advanced 
parties of each army. In one sharp encounter between a party 
of Royalist horse under Huny and a detached body oi the 
enemy, Lord Percy was cut in tne hand and Lord Jermyn had a 
narrow escape, his head-piece being battered about his ears 
and his eye injured. These attacks on the out-posts continued 
till dark. Scouts were employed on either side to bring in 

The Royal Army was commanded by King Charles in person; 
Lord Forth,* subsequently created Earl of Brentford, being the 
General immediately under the King. The Cavalry was led by 
Prince Rupert and Sir John Byron, Lord Wilmot acting as 
Lieutenant-General. The Foot was "ordered" by Sir Nicholas 
Byron (uncle to Sir John, afterwards Lord Byron). Amongst 
the more distinguished cavalier officers holding commands at 
Newbury were the following — Earls: Carnarvon, Lindsey, 
Northampton, Nottingham, Cleveland, Holland, Clare, and 
Bedford; — Lords: Bellasyse, Digby,, Jermyn, Percy, Somerset 
(second son of Henry, first Marquis of Worcester), Andover, 
Chandos, and Molyneux; also the Hon. Henry Bertie, Sir 
Charles Lucas, Sir George Lisle, Sir Edward Waldegrave, 

* This and many of the following naine» are referred to in the Biographical 

Blteisjk fivthen.Earl of Brainford 


Sir Bernard Brocas, Sir Lewis Kirke, Sir Henry Slingsby, 
Sir WilUam Vavasour, Sir Thomas Aston, Sir Anthony 
Hansel, Sir Michael . Wodehouse, Sir Jacob Astley, Sir John 
Frechville, Sir John Hurry, Major-General George Porter, and 
Major-General Daniel (commanding Prince of Wales' regiment); 
CoUmels : Spencer, St. John, Edward Villiers, Will. Leg^e, 
Daniel O'Neill, Morgan, Eure, D'Arcv, Poole, Piatt, Wheatly, 
Murray, Charles Gerard, Edward Gerard, and Constable; — 
Captains: Bagehot (who took the command of the Earl of 
Carnarvon's troop when its gallant leader fell), Basil Woodd, 
Panton, Sheldon, Scott (of Sir Arthur Aston's regiment). 
Singleton, Clifton, and Newman: 

Ae foUowing are mentioned bs serving in the royal ranks as 
Volunteers: — Henry Spencer (first Earl of Sunderland), James 
Hay (second Earl of (Jarlisle), Henry Mordaunt (Earl of Peter- 
borough), Lucius Cary (Viscount Falkland, whose duties as the 
King's Secretary gave him no position in the field). Sir Edward 
Sackville (son of Edward, fourth Earl of Dorset), severely wounded 
in the battle,* Sir John Russell (son of Francis, fourth Earl of 
Bedford), Hon. Henry Howard (son of the Earl of Berkshire 
and brother to Lord Andover), Colonel Richard Fielding,-}- and 
Colonel Stroud. 

On the side of the Parliament, the Earl of Essex was Lord 
General of the army; and amongst the more conspicuous leaders 
were Lord Robarts or Roberts, Lord Grey of Groby, Sir John 
Meyrick, who "ordered" the artillery. Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir 
James Ramsay, Sir William Constable, Sir Wilham Balfour, Sir 
William Boteler, Sir Samuel Luke, Sir William Brooks, Sir 
Richard Bulstrode, Sir William Springer, Sir John Meldrum, 
Sir Arthur Goodwin, Major-General Skippon, Major-Gen. Deane, 
and Lt.-General Middleton; and Colonels — Sheffield, Mainwaring, 
Bartley or Barclay, Norton, Dalbier, Holmsted, Tyrill, Thompson, 
Greaves, Langham, Draper, Brackley, Harvey, Holboume, Tucker, 
White, and Portescue. 

Following up the history of the battle, we learn that the 
Royalists, at daybreak, were surprised to find the Parliamentarians 
in possession of the Uttle hill above Cope Hall,t and on their side 
commenced hostilities by dispatching Sir Jonn Byron with a 
portion of the right wing of horse and foot to assault and engage 
this threatenmg point, the circumstances of which he thus 

* In 1645, being with a party of the King's forces, at Chawlev, near Abingdon, 
he was taken prisoner by mose of the Parliament, and stabbed to death in cold 
blood by a Parliamentary soldier. 

t Previously governor of Beading, which he was thought to have surrendered too 
easily; he was tried by court martial and sentenced to be shot; but afterwards 
pardoned, he fought valiantly for the King. 

it In an old terrier of the lands held by the town of Newbury, in the time of 
Queen Elizabeth, ** Copped Hall" is mentioned as having been given for a yearly 
obit by Kobert Long. 


narrates; — ^"The next day my brigade of horse was to have the 
van, and about 5 in the morning I had orders to march towards 
a little hill full of enclosures, which the enemy (through the 
negligence before mentioned) had possessed himself of and had 
brought up two small field pieces and was bringing up more, 
whereby, they would both have secured their march on Keading 
(the highway was lying hard by) and withal so annoyed our 
army which was drawn up in the bottom, where the King 
himself was, that it would have been impossible for us to have 
kept the ground. The hill, as I mentioned, was full of enclosures 
and extremely difficult for horse service, so that my orders 
were, only with my own and' Sir Thos. Aston's regiment to draw 
behind tne commanded foot led by Lord Wentworth and Col. 
George Lisle, and to be ready to second them, in case the 
enemy's horse should advance towards them: the rest of my 
brigade was by Prince Rupert commanded to the Heath, where 
most of the other horse and foot were drawn." 

This advance of the King's right wing, which was nearest the 
enemy and under his fire, was a movement absolutely necessary 
to cover the deployment of the remainder of the army to the left 
over the Wash and towards the En. The advance of Rupert's 
cavalry to the Wash fully coincided with and supported this 
movement, for they could get there and block the road before 
the left wing and centre (of foot) could gain the heights. Mean- 
while the cavalry of the right wing, imable to operate directly 
over the enclosed, intricate land below the position occupied by 
the Parliamentarians, was compelled to support the advance by 
moving away to the left flank till the open ground of Wash 
Common was reached and a charge could be delivered. They 
could find no charging ground before this, owing to the hedge- 
rows and escarpments which lay opposite the nght flank; and 
even when the advance of the riffht was so assisted by this 
advance of " horse " on their left, the first attempt to force the 
hedgerows proved absolutely fruitless. 

Simultaneous with the advance of Lord Essex's left, a cor- 
responding movement was made by the veteran Skippon, who 
on Enbome Heath pushed forward the right, to co-operate with 
Essex; the efforts of both divisions being principally directed 
against the King's position on the Wash, where the storm of 
battle was especially maintained throughout the day; and from 
straggling shots the battle widened imtU nearly 20,000 men 
were engaged in deadly conflict. 

The King, as previously mentioned, had determined to stand 
on the defensive and await the advance of Essex, but the uncon- 
trollable ardour and impetuosity which urged on some of the 
yoimg cavalier commanders frustrated his mtentions and con- 
fused his whole order of battle. Scarcely had part of the Parlia- 


mentary right wing shown on Enbome Heath, when a party of 
the royal cavalry bore down upon them. 

** Then * spur and sword' was the hattle-word, and we made 
their hehnets ring. 
Shouting like madmen all the while 'For God and for 

the King!' 
And, thon^ they snu£9.ed psalms, to give the rebel dogs 

their due, 
Where the roaring shot poured thick and hot they were 
stalwart men and true." 

Song— ''The Old Ca/calier:^ 

The battle soon became general, and obliged the Royalists to 
move to the support of these advanced troops, leaving their 
artillery behind them unavailable on the Common: "many of the 
officers flinging off their doublets in bravado and leading on their 
men in their shirts, as if armour was a useless encumbrance in 
dealing with the base-bom London apprentices whom they came 
rather to triumph over than to fight/ 

The left wing of the Parliamentary army, led by Essex, and 
with Lord Roberts' brigade of horse in front, now advances 
towards the Royalist force on the Wash. Stimulated by the 
example of their chief, and charring gallantly up the slopes below 
the heath, in face of a biting fire of musquetry and grape, they 
sweep onward up the heights. They are gaining ground ! 

But at this critical moment Sir John Byron, at whose side a 
few minutes before had ridden the noble-hearted Falkland, now 
"stretched coldly in the sleep of death" imder a whitethorn 
hedge, advancea at the heaa of the right wing of the royal 
cavalry, and, under the fire of two guns at musket distance and 
a deadly shower of bullets, charges tnem in front and flank with 
a determination that even the soldiers of the Parliament with all 
their enthusiasm and bravery are unable to withstand. Stag- 
gered by the fierce onslaught, for a moment they recoil, but it is 
only to rally instantly and renew the fight with imdiminished 

The "city red and blue regiments," largely composed of 
the London apprentices, are now moved away from the right, 
and approach to share the fight; the main body of the trained- 
bands and auxilliaries meanwhile fighting valiantly on Enbome 
Heath, with their brave old leader Skippon, under the protection 
of his formidable cavalry commanded l)y Middleton. Essex 
courageously leads his young citizen-soldiers fresh and ready for 
the struggle "up the mil." The royalists too have received a 
reinforcement, and Prince Rupert with his daring followers ride 
to the very points of the pikes. The valour and intrinsic 
worth of the London brigade was now to be tested, and not in 
vain; for the foaming squadrons of steel-clad cuirassiers came 
rushing forward, but these dashing troops fjoiled again and again 


to penetrate those serried lines, which "stood undaunted and con- 
querors against all, and like a grove of pines in a day of wind 
and tempest, they only moved their legs, heads, or arms but 
kept their footing sure." The action here was long and bloody, 
and told fearfully on the Parliamentary ranks. Charge suc- 
ceeds charge! Cheer for cheer is riven! Fearless amidst the 
storm of battle boldly urging on nis men, is seen the gallant 
King,* and the Royal colours for a time are borne triumphant. 
But the tide of battle turns, Essex's reserve of foot is near, the 
cavalry rally on their supports, the defiant banner of the Earl is 
borne aloft, -f* and waving his hat, with cries of "Forward ! brave 
hearts, ! " he quickly re-forms his disordered troops and again 
confronts the foe. A desperate mel^e ensues. The plumed 
helmet and the steel cap get mixed together, the combatants 
close and fight hand-to-hand, but at length the ParUamentary 
cavalry are hurled back, their scattered infantry are no longer 
able to support themselves, but fighting heroically to the 
last are driven "to the lane's end wnere they first came in." 
The royalists follow, but in their victorious excitement pursue 
too far, and before those who enter the lane can disengage them- 
selves, they are nigh well cut to pieces by the Puritan troopers, 
who have made a stand. A tradition is preserved in the 
village of Enbome to this day, that the narrow lane leading to 
Skinner's Green became so choked with the slain that a passage 
had to be cleared before the troops and guns could again be 
moved forward. 

For hours the fight is here maintained with unflinching 
and uniform gallantry on both sides. Again and again the 
Roundhead charges are renewed and repelled. But towards the 
afternoon Essex, profiting by the advantage gained through the 
operations of his right wing at Enbome, has crowned the plateau 
of the Wash; and is now on equal terms with his opponents. 

The temporary repulse of the Parliamentary left in Skinner's 
Lane was possibly due somewhat to the series of brilliant charges 
just described over the level ground of the Common, excellent 

* It would seem that the King took an active part in this battle. Sergt. Foster 
in his ** True Relation " says, I am creditably informed by those who were this day 
in the King's army, that the King himself brought up a regiment of foot, and 
another of horse into the field, and gave fire to two pieces of ordnance, riding up and 
down all that day in a soldiers ^ey coat." lathe 'Mercurius Aulicus' (the 
Royalist journal) of Sept. 21, 1643, it is related that "the Rebels espying from tiie 
HiU, that many stood bareheaded in a part of the field, supposed the King to be 
there, and made great shott at the place," but significantly adds, "The Lord coyered 
the head of His Anointed." 

t The Cornet or flag of the Earl of Essex was — " orange, on it a label (like the 
King's, that is ' With Qod and my Right '} of silver, with this motto in roman 
letters, sable, 'VIRTVTI8 COMES INVIDIA'; the lining of the motto or back, 
of gold; fringed with gold and silver, tasselled gold." (Prestwick's ' Respublica,' 
p. 24.) It is related that Essex was advised to leave off his white hai, because it 
rendered him so conspicous an object to the enemy. No I. replied the Earl, " It is 
not the hat, but the heart ! the hat is not capable of either fear or honour! " 


for such a purpose. The Parliamentary centre touched the left 
wing at the point where the lane de Douches on the fiat; and 
naturally when the enemy, driven back into this close ground, 
had ralued on his supports, the hand-to-hand meUe must have 
resulted in disorder to the horse and have choked the narrow 
road with bodies. In fact the temporary check sustained by the 
Parliamentary left led to the consequent speedy withdrawal of 
the centre, hastened too by the influence of Kupert's charges, and 
the battle on this side probably remained more or less stationary 
without marked advantage on either side imtil the advance of 
Essex's right wing brought greater numerical superiority on his 
side upon the level groimd of the plateau. 

The following letter extracted from the Rupert correspondence * 
more especially refers to the engagement near Cope Hall, and sup- 

gorts the view here taken. The letter having no signature, and 
ein^ apparently a transcript, it is difficult to identify the author, 
but it seems to have been written by a leading officer of horse in 
the King's right wing, explanatory of his own part in the action: — 
**The Kmg's army being drawne up on a Heath neere Newbury, 
the enemy were (uscovered approaching ye town. Prince Rupert 
was pleased to command mee and Major Smith with a party 
through the town to face the enemy, afterwards His Highness 
commanded mee to advance with ye party to ye hill upon our 
left hand, from thence we sent out parties all night, which gave 
His Highness satisfactory intelligence, and when it was day. 
His Hi^ness went with his own troope, a party of mosqueteers 
and my horse to take possession of a Hill [the hill in front of 
Skinner's Green Lane above Cope Hall], I drew ye party into a 
close "|- that contained a considerable part of the hill, then we 
discovered the enemy and there began the service. But before 
relief could come to the mosqueteers, they retreated, and I drew 
ye horse into the next close though not without losse both with 

great and small shot where wee stood, untill in which time my 
orse received a shott in his neere shoulder. But ye foot crying 
out for ye horse, I returned into ye first mentioned close and 
was very slowly followed by reason of the straitness of 
the passage, but when I thought I had men enough to doe ye 
service, I went to ye furthest part of ye said close wheere were 
neere about 1,000 of ye enemies foot drawne up in order and one 
piece of artiUenr, and as I was charging 'my horse was shott 
againe into ye oreast and faltered with mee, for that, I- being 
out of hopes to do other service than to lose myself, I gave 
orders to ye party in these very words in Major Smith's hearing, 

« Add. MSS. 18980 -2, Brit. Mas. 

t A meadow in the position indicated by the writer of the above letter is known 
as ''Jacob's Mead." Only i|few weeks since, two cannon balls (61b and 31b) were 
found in remoying a bank in this field, and are both in the author's possession. 




— ' Fall on, my Masters! for I must gpe change my horse/ And 
in my coming I met with my Lord Syron. My distresse at that 
time compelled mee to desire him to lend mee a horse. I like- 
wise desired ye same favour of Sir Lewis Kirke, but presently 
meeting with Sergeant-Major Daniel, major to ye Prince of 
Wales his regiment, hee lent mee a horse. That horse I changed 
for one of Capt. Sheldon's of His Highness Prince Maurice nis 
regiment, which I conceived to. be much better. When I was 
thus supplied I was going back to my charge, which I thought 
Major Smith would have had a care of in my absence, as I 
conceived in duty he ought, I being for that present disabled, 
but in my way back contrary to my expectation I found Captain 
Scot of Sir Arthur Aston's regiment and Capt. Panton of Lord 
Carnarvon's regiment,* and some other officers of ye party with 
neere about 40 men, I desired that wee might goe up ye Hill 
again, Capt. Panton answered mee that my Lord Lieut.-General 
[Earl of Brentford] commanded them to stay in that same place, 
whereupon I sent one to him to know his further commands. 
In the meantime came Sir Lewis Kirke to mee with commands 
from ye King to goe looke to ye passe by the river side which 
the enemy were then endeavouring to gaine [the road, now called 
Guyer's Lane, leading to the Kennet, where the river appears 
to nave been fordable], but when I came to ye place I found 
Sir William Vavasour there with his brigade, which I conceived 
sufficiently secured that place. Whereupon I sent Capt. Scot to 
ye King to desire His Mitiesty that I might goe to some place 
where I might doe him better service, which His Majesty did 
not grant." 

This view of the result of the fight about Cope Hall is fully 
borne out bj a study of the various narratives of the battle 
and by an inspection of the ground. The Parliamentary left 
gaining the rounded hill by Skinner's Green Lane, before 
referred to, pushed their infantry forward beyond it, to still 
further check the attack of the Royalist right moving over the 
enclosed ^ound towards the guns. A small round-contoured 
hill just m front of the latter was gained by the rush above 
described; and this advance, reaching as it did the hedge- 
rows of Dark Lane,"|- would have been pushed further but for tne 

* This officer became a Major-General in the King's service, and feU mortaUy 
wounded at Cropredy Bridge, 29 June, 1644. 

t Byron's advance appears to have been over the ground between the 
boundary-line of the parishes of Newbury and Enbome (defined by a bank and 
hedge, and at the point shown on Plan passable for cavalry) and the old road called 
*Dark Lane' which formerly ran from near Enbome Farm obliquely over the fields 
below the Wash to the Enbome-road, which it entered by Enbome-gate Farm, 
another road (Guyer's Lane) leading from iJiis point to the Kennet. There was 
also a lane entering from the Skinner's Oreen road below *Cope Hall' and joining 
the Wash-road. Most of i^ese roads have been stopped, and it is now difficult 
to trace them. In removing the bank of ' Dark Lane ' a few years ago, a 15-lb 


action of the cavalry of the right wing, which, diverted from 
a direct advance by the character of the ground, now came upon 
the scene. In fact the Royalist right wing seems to have been 
roughly handled up to this time. 

Byron, who ^ves his own accoimt, without considering what 
the other fractions were doing, and naturally lays considerable 
stress on his share or part in the action of the right wing to 
which he was attached, says: "The commanded foot not being 
able to make good the place, my uncle Byron, who commanded 
the first tertia, instantly came up with part of the regiment of 
guards and Sir Michael Woodhouse's and my Lord Gerard's 
regiments of foot, comimanded by his Lieut.-Col. Ned Villiers, 
but the service grew so hot, that m a very short time, of twelve 
ensigns that marched up with my Lord Gerard's regiment, 
eleven were brought off the field hurt, and Ned Villiers shot 
through the shoulder. Upon this a confusion was heard among 
the foot, calling, horse ! horse ! whereupon I advanced with those 
two regiments I had and commanded them to halt while I went 
to view the groimd, and to see what way there was to that place 
where the enemy's foot was drawn up, which I foimd to be 
enclosed with a high quick hedge and no passage into it, but by 
a narrow gap through which but one horse at a time could go 
and that not without difficulty. My Lord of Falkland did me 
the honour to ride in my troop this day, and I would needs go 
along with him, the enemy haa beat our foot out of the close, 
and was drawne up near the hedge; I went to view, and as I was 
giving orders for making the gapp wide enough, my horse was 
shott in the throat with a musquet bullet and his bit broken in 
his mouth so that I was forcea to call for another horse, in the 
meanwhile my Lord Falkland (more gallantly than advisedly) 
spurred his horse through the gapp, where both he and his horse 
were immediately killed. The passage being then made some- 
what wide, and I not having another horse, drew in my own 
troop first, giving orders for the rest to follow and charged the 
enemy, who entertained us with a great salvo of musquet shott, 
and discharged their two drakes upon us laden with case shott, 
which killed some and hurt many of my men, so that we were 
forced to wheel off and could not meet them at that charge. 

cannon-ball was found imbedded in the soil. The correctness of the tradition that 
Falkland fell on the spot till recently indicated by a poplar tree in front of the 
&rm-house known as * Falkland Farm' is extremely doubtful: he certainly fell as 
the royal cavalry were advancing towards the body of the Parliamentarians, who 
were endeavouring to gain the heath, but at this early period of the fight Essex 
had not secured a footing on the Wash. Clarendon relates that ''the enemy- 
had lined the hedges on both sides with musqueteers from whence he [Falkland] 
was shot with a musquet in the lower part of the belly, and in the instant £a.l1ing 
from his horse, his body was not found till next morning." % The hedges on both 
sides of Dark Lane would perfectly accord in position with Byron's narrative and 
with Clarendon's description. 

X Clarendon's Hist., vol. ii, 359. 


I rallied my men together again, but not so soon but that the 
enemy had got away their field-pieces for fear of the worst, 
seeing us resolved not to give over, so I charged them a second 
time. Sir Thomas Aston being then come up with his regim^it, 
we then beat them to the end of the close, where they faced us 
again, having the advantage of a hedge at their backs and 
poured in another volley of shott upon us, when Sir Thomas 
Aston's horse was killed under him, and withal kept us off so 
with their pikes we could not break them, but were forced to 
wheel off again, thej in the meantime retreating into another 
little close and making haste to recover a lane wnich was very 
near unto it [Skinner's Green Lane], finding then they could not 
keep the ground, which before they could do, I rallied the horse 
agam, and charged them a third time, and then utterly routed 
them, and had not left a man of them unkilled, but that the 
hedges were so high the horse could not pursue them, and 
besides, a great body of their own foot advanced toward the lane 
to relieve them. Our foot then drew up on the ground from 
whence we had beaten the enemy and Kept it, and drew the 
horse back to the former station; for this service I lost n^r 
upon a hundred horse and men out of my regiment, whereof 
out of my own troop tw«ity-six. The enemy drew up fresh 
supplies to regain the groimd again, but to my uncles good 
conduct (who that day did extraordinary service) was «itirely 
beaten off." 

This road was a short distance in the rear of that Falkland 
Farm which is situated on the Wash,* and a traditicm that the 
body on its recovery the next morning was first carried to the 
farm-house is no doubt founded upon fact. This farm-house and 
Yew-tree Cottage are said to have been the only buildings on the 
Wash at the time of the battle, and the former is still especially 
associated with several incidents of the fight in local traditions. 
The lanes at this period, as we have above-noticed, had high 
banks and hedges on either side, and formed a series of stout 
defences as well as serious obstacles to the movement of troops, 
being in many places equal to well constructed entrenchments. 
In 'Heath's Chronicle,' it is stated that "the left wing of the 
Parliament and the right wing of the King could not be engaged 
only in small parties by reason of the hedges." That this was 
the case is qmte clear. The steep embankment forming the 
western boundary of the parish of Newbury would alone be an 

* There is however another building bearing the name of Falkland Farm situated 
on the south of the En near Wash Mill; but its distance from the field of battle 
renders it exceedingly unlikely that it has any associations connected with the great 
fight. The name may have been given it and probably was, for purely fanciful 
reasons. There was an old cottage near this Farm some years since and in its 
garden was discovered a groat of the reign of Edward lY., so that the buildings 
here are probably ancient. 


insunnoimtable barrier to the free action of large bodies either 
of horse or foot. 

Lord Clarendon, in his 'life,' written by himself, gives the 
following account of Lord Falkland's death. ''In this battle of 
Newbury, the Chancellor of the Exchequer lost the joy and 
comfort of his life; which he lamented so passionately; that he 
could not for many days compose himself to any thoughts of 
business. His dear friend the Lord Falkland, hurried by his 
fate, in the morning of the battle, as he was naturally inquisitive 
after danger, put himself into the head of Sir John JByron's 
regiment, whicn he believed, was like to be in the hottest service, 
and was then ap{)ointed to charge a bodv of foot, and in that 
charge was shot with a musket bullet, so that he fell dead &om 
his horse. The same day that the news came to Oxford of his 
death, which was the next day after he was killed, the Chancellor 
received a letter ifrom him, written at the time when the army 
rose from Gloucester: but the messenger had been employed in 
other service, so that he came not to Oxford till that day; the 
letter was an answer to one the Chancellor had then sent to him, 
in which he had told him, how much he suffered in his reputa- 
tion with all discreet men, by engaging himself unnecessarily in 
all places of danger: and that it was not the office of a privy 
counsellor and secretary of State to visit the trenches, as he 
tisually did; and conjured him, out of the conscience of his duty 
to the King, and to free his friends from those continual imeasy 
apprehensions, not to engage his person to those dangers, which 
were not incumbent to him. His answer was, that the trenches 
were now at an end, there could be no more danger thera 
That his case was different from other men's, that he was so 
much taken notice of for an impatient desire of peace, that it 
was necessary he should likewise make it appear, that it was not 
out of fear of the utmost hazard of war: he said some melancholy 
things of the time; and concluded, that in few days, they should 
come to a battle, the issue whereof he hoped would put an end 
to the misery of the kingdom." * 

The Royalist accounts of this part of the action are equally 
detailed and the 'Mercurius Aulicus' thus describes it.f "Many 
of their living have cause to remember how the little enclosed 
Hill commanding the town of Newbury, and the plaine, where 
His Majesty in person was drawne up (being the first place 
attempted by our foot by daybreak), was then prepossessed by a 
great hody of their foot, till in their advance to it, ours beate 
them off into the hedgerows, under which shelter they much 
annoyed both our foot and horse, the right valiant L.-C0I. Villiers 
and ten of his ensigns being hurt upon the ground the rebels 

« Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon, vol. i, pp. 164-5. 
t October 14, 1643. 


first stood on, yet though they lost the hill, they kept the hedges 
all the forenoon, till a fresh supply of neare 200 .musqueteers 
advancing up a lane to surprise our pykes and colours oy that 
gallant resolute charge made by Sir Tnos. Aston with his own 
troope (through a double quick-set hedge), these poachers were 
dislodged, then* fresh supply routed, and fled before him in such 
haste, that though his horse was shot in the entrance to the lane 
and drew him by the leg amongst them, they had not the civility 
to help him up, but let him walk away on foot leaving their 
pykes and colours to shift for themselves, and never after 
regained the place. But Prince Rupert himselfe drew down a 
fresh relief of foot and made good the lane against them, and 
about three of the clock two small pieces of ours being then 
drawne up to that hill, which was the place of most coTvcerrmient, 
and was never quit by us till the King drew off all his foot in a 
body to Newbury field, nor ever after mann'd by them. This is 
the naked truth, which for three weeks together they have so 
loudly railed at, but shall never heare more of it, if now they are 

While these conflicts are going forward on the hill, the bat- 
tle rages with fury on Enbome Heath, where Essex's right 
wing, needless of tne gallant charges of the royal cavalry, are 
making a strenuous effort to surmount the broken groimd that 
the approach to the Wash everywhere presented. Excited 
nearly to frenzy by reports that their comrades are being 
worsted on the left and may be cut off from their support, they 
charge with an ardour which passionate zeal for their cause alone 
could give. The general officers Skippon, Stapleton, and Merrick 
expose themselves as fearlessly as the common soldiers, and the 
very domestics, workmen, and camp-followers rush to the field, 
and, animating each other to the highest pitch of fanatical 
excitement, fight as bravely as the bravest officers. 

The Royalists, almost paralyzed by the prowess of the men, of 
whom till then "they had too cheap an estimation," are straining 
every nerve to keep at bay the foe they cannot overcome. 
Meteor-like, Rupert flashes rrom one point of the position to 
another, and is always to be seen in tne thickest of the fight; 
but nothing can keep back his fierce assailants. On they come 
through gorse and brushwood, in face of a heavy cannonade 
from the Royalist guns on the heath, — through a storm of mus- 
quetry bullets flymg amidst the darkened air — ^and in a few 
minutes they breast the western slope of the Wash: 

*' Now comes the bnmt, the crisis of the day I 


Old Skippon who had coolly watched the progress of the advance, 
calls on his men to "charge!" an enthusiastic cheer answers the 
order ! and with an impetuosity not to be resisted Stapleton's 
mailed cuirassiers cleave their way through the royal squadrons. 


lyom iht portrait by Walker. 


and gallantly clear the ridge, the remainder of the troops pour 
up the ascent, the head of the royalist column is over^shelmed, 
and the battle virtually won ! The Royalists' left flank being 
completely turned by this brilliant charge, the successful co- 
operation of the centre and finally of the left, as the Royalists 
are pushed back towards the town, completes the victory, and 
the soldiers of the Parliament are at length left masters of the 
hard-fought field, which, in the early morning, they had so de- 
fiantly promised their general to win. 

A final effort was made by " The enemy," says Lord Digby, 
"On a passe by the river (apparently Guyer's Lane); but 
Sir William Vavasour with the King's life-guard defeated it 
with heavy loss. The struggle was however practically at an 
end, though the groimd was still stubbornly contested. It was 
no headlong flight down the northern slopes of the Wash to 
Newbury, but a dogged sullen retreat, in which the pursuer 
dared not press his unquestioned advantage by endeavouring to 
force the King beyond tne line of the Kennet. 

Night was well advanced before the last shots ceased; and 
then, the struggle ended, the wearied soldiers formed their hasty 
bivouacs. ' But the losses had been heavy and important on both 
sides. Here on the Heath, fell the brave yoimg Lord Carnarvon, 
who; "emulating the noblest actions recorded in the annals 
of war," was struck down as he was returning from a success- 
ful attack. Also the gallant Sunderland, "a lora of great fortune, 
tender years, and an early judgement," who, putting himself in 
the King's troop as a volunteer, fell pierced by "a cannon bullet" 
while he was gathering up his bridle reins for the first charge. 
But equal courage, so Lord Byron asserts, was not shown by all 
of those engaged: he says, "What was done upon the Heath 
(where the main body oi our horse and foot fought) I will not 
relate, because I was not an eye-witness of it, only this is 
generally confest, that had not our foot play'd the poultroons 
extremely that day, we in all probability had set a period to the 
war, our horse naving behaved themselves with as much 
gallantry as could be * * * * My Lord Carnarvon (than 
whom no man acted a more honourable part in the war) and 
many other valiant men were here slaine." 

Space will not permit a detailed recital of all the various turns 
of fortune experienced by the two armies throughout the latter 
part of the day; but the following extract from Robert Codring- 
ton's narrative, quoted by Mr. Forster in his 'Life of Cromwefl,' 
and which in comparison with all accessible accounts of the 
battle, though somewhat tinctured by the feelings of a partisan, 
appears to oe very superior in clearness to other statements, 
may be introduced at this point; as it admits of one or two of 
the localities referred to being defined. 

"After six hours long fight, with the assistance of his horse 


Essex gained those advantages which the enemy possessed in the 
morning, which were 'the Hill, the Hedges, and the River/ 
In the meantime, a party of the enemies' horse did wheel about, 
in a great body, and about three quarters of a mile below the 
Hill fell upon the rear of our army, where our carriages were 

S laced,* to relieve which his Excellency sent a selected party 
'om the hill to assist their friends who were deeply engaged in 
the fight; these forces marching down the hill, did meet a 
regiment of horse of the enemy's, who in their hats did wear 
branches of furze and broom, which our army did that day wear 
for distinction sake to be known by one another from their 
adversaries, and they cried out to our men, "Friends! Friends!" 
but being discovered to be enemies, our men gave fire upon 
them, and having some horse to second the execution, they did 
force them further from them. Our men being now marched 'to 
the bottom of the hillf they increased the courage of their 
friends, and after a sharp conflict, they forced the King's horse 
to fly with remarkable loss, having left the ground strewed with 
the carcasses of their horses and riders. In the meantime His 
Excellency having planted his ordnance on the top of the hill, 
did thimder against the enemy where he found their number to 
be thickest, and the King's ordnance being yet on the same hill 
did play with a like fury against the forces of His Excellency: — 
the cannon on each side did dispute with one another, as, if the 
battle was but new begun." J 

Night came on, but still the fight was continued by isolated 
parties, though it was now more immediately confined to the 
valley between Newbury and Enbome, which is about half-a-mile 
in length. " The glimmer of the matches § and the flashing of 
the fire-arms servSi to shew each other where the other lay;" 
and the contest raged in a desultory way till 11 o'clock or there- 
abouts, when the King's troops finding they had decidedly the 
worst of the conflict finally retired, and by day-break had 
quitted the ground of the previous day's action. The chief part 
of the horse crossed the river into the fields on the Speen side, 

♦ Shown on the Plan. 

t The fields on either side of the Enbome Road. 

t By •* The Hill,** the plateau of the Wash was meant, by ** The Hedges " those 
more especially crossing the fields between the Wash and the Kennet, and b^ 
** The River" the Kennet, now called the Old River; the canal being a modem 
work. It is evident £ssex did not cross the river ; for Vicars says, " during the 
whole day our soldiers could not get a drop of water to drink;" and Sergeant Foster 
in his 'Marching of the Trained- Bands,' adds, '* we were in great distress of water 
or any accommodation to refresh our poor soldiers, our men walking up and down 
to seek for it." In one respect at least the country is little changed since then, for 
the furze still grows plentifully on many parts of tibie field, and the '' bonny, bonny 
broom" yet blossoms on '' Broom HiU." 

§ The Matehhek had a long coil of twisted tow steeped in saltpetre attached to it ; 
this was only lighted in time of action, a cock bringing it down to the touch-hole 
of the piece wl^ it was to be discharged. 


and quartered in detachments in the neighbouring villages; 
while the foot were drawn into the town. 

Essex, at the close of this well-fought day, established himself 
upon the ground abandoned by the Royalists, and his troops 
bivouacked on the field of battle in a very cheerless state, being 
absolutely without food. The night was very damp and chilly, 
and not a drop of anything to drink was to De had, though the 
wounded were dreadfully tormented with thirst; and it is reported 
by a Parliamentary journal, that one officer offered ten shillings 
for a quart of water ! The infantry rested on their pikes, the 
cavalry stretched themselves beside their horses, anticipating a 
bloodier and fiercer day on the morrow. The Parliamentary 
general, like Prince Rupert, was in the saddle all night, and as 
he rode over the heath while the moon shed an uncertain 
light on the wide scene of carnage, he "could not," says tho 
'Parliamentary Scout,' "understand his own happiness in the 
victory, and could hardly entertain it with a private joy." But 
the feelings of the man triumphed over those of the general, and 
the old veteran is stated to have prayed fervently that peace 
might once more shine upon the land. 

Glancing critically at the conduct of the action, there is little 
doubt but that it was more or less of a running fight extending 
at the very close of the day over even the southern suburbs of 
Newbury. This is supported by the authority of Oldmixon and 
Whitelock, and also m 'The True Relation' of a parliamentary 
trooper. Bullets, spurs, portions of swords, &c. of the period, 
have been found in excavating for buildings in the upper or 
south-west side of the town, and the traces of the fight are 
widespread. "It was a kind of hedge fight," says a Cavalier, who 
was present, "for neither army was drawn out into the field; 
if it had, it would never have held from six in the morning, till 
ten at night. But they fought for advantages; sometimes one side 
had the better, sometimes the other. They fought twice through 
the town, in at one end and out of the other [!], and in the hedges 
and lanes with exceeding fury. The King lost the most men, 
his foot having suffered for want of succour from their horse, 
who on two several occasions could not come at them. But the 
Parliament's foot suffered also, and two regiments were entirely 
cut in pieces, but the King kept the field. * * * Essex had 
the pillage of the dead. * » * j^is camp rabble stript the 
dead bodies."* 

This writer can scarcely be deemed, however, an impartial 
judge. Whether through an error in judgment or through party 
bias he certainly does not take a true view of the result of the 
action as this and the following extract both show: — 

"At Newbury 1st fight, when we beat the enemy upon all 

♦ 'Memoira of a Cavalier* (Col. Andrew Newport), pp. 260—1. 



disadvantage from the town's end to the top of the hill by the 
Heath, a wing of Essex, his horse moving gently towards us 
made us leave our execution of the enemy and retreat into the 
next field, where were several gaps to get to it, but not direct in 
any way, yet with the colours in my hand I jumpt over hedge 
and ditch, or I had died by a multitude of hands : we kept this 
field till midnight, and until intelligence came that Essex was 
marching away with a great part of his army, and that he had 
buried a great many of his great guns, by two o'clock in the 
afternoon; near unto this field, upon the Heath, lay a whole file 
of men six deep with their heads all struck off by one cannon 
shot of ours [!]: we pursued Essex in his retreat, took Reading 
without opposition, made it a garrison, and Sir Jacob Astley 
governor."* This endeavour to blind themselves to the true facts 
of the case is not singular in the correspondence of parties at 
that time. 

The casualties of the two armies in this battle, it would be 
difficult to estimate with anything like exactness. In Heath's 
'Chronicle' it is stated that the loss on both sides was between 
5,000 and 6,000, and that the greatest loss, if there were any differ- 
ence, was on the side of the Parliament. This engagement is 
represented by several writers as having been more obstinately 
contested than that at Edgehill, where 5,000 were slain; the 
estimate therefore in the 'Chronicle' is probably not exaggerated. 
M. de Larrey, the French historian, states that " 8,000 men were 
killed on the spot, and nothing but the night could separate 
these furious Englishmen, who seem'd delighted to shed the 
blood of each other." Clarendon does not give the number of 
the slain, but mentions — "there were above 20 officers of the 
field and persons of honour and publick name slain iipon the 
place, and more of the same quality hurt." Oldmixon (a violent 
opponent of the Stuarts) relates that 2,000 Royalists were slain 
from the time of Essex's removal from Hungenord to the end 
of Newbury fight, and that the Parliamentary loss was onlv 500 1 

On the Koyalists' side the following names of officers killed are 
recorded. — The Earl of Carnarvon, the Earl of Sunderland, Lord 
Falkland, the Hon. Henry Bertie, and Sir Anthony Hansel. 
Colonels. — Edward St. John, Joseph Constable, Poole, Murray, 
Richard Piatt, Pinchbeck, Wheatly, Eure, Slingsby, Thomas 
Morgan, and Stroud. Captains. — Robert Molineux (ojf the Wood, 
Lancashire), Wm. Symcocks (Captain in Lord Percy's troop), 
Francis Bartis, Thos. Singleton (of Stanyng, Lancashire), and 
Francis Clifton (of Westby in the same county). Captain Sheldon, 
of Broadway Court, Worcester, is said to have been slain in the 
battle; he served in Prince Maurice's regiment of horse. Lieu- 
tenants, — Henry Butler, George Collingwood, and Wm. Culcleth. 

♦ G\rynne's Memoirs, ch. x, pp. 46, 47. 


Among the wounded were the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of 
Peterborough, Lord Andover, Lord Chandos, Sir Charles Lucas, 
Sir John Russell, Sir Edward Saekville, Sir Edward Waldegrave, 
Major-General George Porter. Colonels. — George Lisle, Fielding, 
Thomas Dalton,* Gerard, Ivers, D'Arcy, Villiers, Howard, Spencer, 
Bartley. Captains. — Panton (fell 29 June, 1644, at Banbury), 
Thurston Andrews (died of his wounds at Oxford), and Mr. Progers 
(^oom of the bed-chamber to the Prince of Wales), who attached 
himself to the King's interest during the war with the Parliament, 
with laudable fidelity.-|- The Royalist prisoners taken at Newbury 
and Cirencester, according to the 'Mercurius Britannicus/ num- 
bered 500, including a colonel, a major of horse, and some other 
officers, who were confined in Windsor Castle. Among these 
was Lieut. Daniel Kingsmill, of Sydmonton. J 

On the Parliamentary side, the name of no officer of note is 
given as having fallen in this battle. Colonels. — Davies, Bamfield, 
Tucker, Mainwaring (of the London Brigade), Greaves, and White. 
Captains, — Hunt, Ware, Talbot, St. Barbe, and Massey are 
mentioned as being amongst the slain; and Captains Bolton, Mosse, 
Stoning, Juxon, and Willet died of their wounds a short time 
after the battle. Colonel Dalbier, Commissary-General Copley, § 
Captains Hammond, Fleetwood, and Pym, and Cornet D'Oyley, 
are said to have been wounded. 

After the Parliamentary Army had left Reading, the King 
having placed a force of horse and foot there, and established a 

farrison at Donnington Castle under Col. John Boys, retired with 
*rince Rupert and the remainder of his army to Oxford; where, 
says Clarendon, "there appeared nothing but dejection of mind, 
discontent, and secret mutiny in the army, anger and jealousy 
amongst the officers, every one accusing another of a want of 
courage and conduct in the action of the field, and they who 
were not of the army blaming them all for their several failings 
and gross neglects." Both Lord Byron and Lord Digby ascribe 
great cowardice to the King's foot; the latter says, "our foot 
having found a hillock on the heath, which sheltered them from 
the enemies' cannon, could not be drawne a foot from thence." 
The hillock referred to was no doubt "Bunker's Hill," which is 
situate as Lord Digby describes. In its immediate neighbourhood 

* Col. Dalton, of Thumham, Lancashire. An enthusiastic and gallant royalist, 
who raised a troop of horse for tho King's service. He was severely wounded in 
this battle, and, dying at Andover, the 2nd November following, was buried in 
the Church of St. Mary in that town, as the parish register records. 

t See lUustrations to Grammont's Memoirs, p. 381. 

t See MS. Letter, No. 127, Addl. MSS., Mus. Brit., No. 18980. 

§ The 'Mercurius Britannicus' (30 Nov. to 7 Dec. 1643) says: — *' Commissary 
Copley, who lost as much bloud as would write a chronicle of that battle, is now 
well and abroad^ and refreshed, to recruit his veines again with his enemies' bloud.' ^ 


is "Coward's Mead 1" Trundle Hill (Tnmdle, a kind of shot used 
at this period), King's Mead, War-end, Steel Hill, Ball Hill, and 
many other names within the area of the battle-field probably 
originated from some incident connected with the fight. 

" Without doubt," says Clarendon, "the action was fought by the 
Earl of Essex with incomparable conduct and courage; in every 
part whereof, very much was to be imputed to his own personal 
virtue; and it may well be reckoned among the most soldierly 
actions of this unhappy war."* Neither he nor his men imputed 
want of courage, however, to their adversaries; on the contrary 
they all acknowledged the devotion and bravery of the King's 
party; and the latter recognised the like of Essex and his soldiers. 
"All were Englishmen, adds Whitelock, " and pitty it was that 
such courage should be spent in the bloud of each other." f 

Naturally excuses were made by the Royalists for their defeat. 
Lord George Digby asserted that they were short of powder, 
being disappointed of a supply of 100 barrels from Oxford. 
They spent, as it was, four score barrels during the action, or 
"a score more than had turned the fight at Edgehill." To 
this "foolish and knavish suggestion of want of powder " Lord 
Byron attributes the withdrawal of the Royalist army from the 
advantages "they had gained with the loss of so much good 
blood." Certain it is that, though the conflict was most obstinate, 
the King's infantry do not appear to have •acted well in this 
battle; and the cavalry, which was by far the most effective 
branch of the service, bore the brimt of the actual fighting. 

Many interesting anecdotes have been left of this battle, and 
though, like all such traditions, they may possibly be not strictly 
true, they were probably based on facts, and to that extent are 
therefore worth preserving. 

It is said, for example, on the authority of the descendant of a 
man who resided at Enbome on a small farm which had been in 
the possession of his family for many generations, J that a party 
of Parliamentarians were regaling themselves in "Lushy Gully " 
(on the south side of Mr. R. H. Valpy's house), at Enbome, 
thinking that they were out of danger, when, to their great 
consternation, a cannon ball passed through the party, without 
doing any injury more than carrying away a roasted pig which 
they were eating. 

* Clarendon's History, vol. ii. p. 349. 

t Whitelock's Memorials, p. 71. 

t Oar informant was the late Mr. John Matthews, of Enbome, one of whose 
ancestors, it is said, was an oMcer of the Trained-bands and fought in this battle. 
A sword, rapier, and pair of pistol holsters, elaborately worked, reported to have 
formed part of his equipment on that memorable occasion, were in the possession of 
his descendant above-named till his death, which occurred a few years since, when 
these interesting relics, which are in exceUent preservation, passed into the hands of 
Mrs. Heath, of Burley Lodge, East Woodhay, in whose possession they still remain. 


Old books relating to the War have many anecdotes; Wliite- 
lock in his Memoi^la instances two which are noteworthy. He 
says, "A passage or two I shall here remember of extraordinary 
mettle and boldness of spirit. One is of Sir Philip Stapleton 
(though he would not acknowledge it), that h.e being with other 
Parliament Commanders in the head of a body of horse facing 
another body of the Kin^^s horse, before whom stood their 
commanders, and the chiet of them was Prince Rupert. The 
Parliament Officer desiring to cope singly with the Prince, he 
rode from before his company up to the body of horse, before 
whom the Prince with divers other Commanders were, and had 
his pistol in his hand ready cockt and fitted. Coming up to 
them alone, he looked one and another of them in the face, 
and when he came to Prince Rupert, whom he knew, he fired his 
pistol in the Prince's face, but his armour defended him from 
any hurt, and having done this, he turned his horse about, and 
came gently off again without any hurt, though many pistols 
were nred at him. 

"Another passage was of Sir Philip Stapleton's groom, a York- 
shire man, and stout, if not too rash. By this story, he was 
attending on his master in a charge, where the groom's mare was 
killed under him, but he came oft on foot back again to his own 
company. To some of whom he complained that he had for- 

fotten to take off his saddle and bridle from his mare, and to 
ring them away with him; and said that they were a new saddle 
and bridle, and that the cavaliers should not get so much by him, 
but he would go again and fetch them: his master and mends 

Sersuaded him not to adventure in so rash an act, the mare lying 
ead close to the enemy who would mall him, if he came so near 
them, and his master promised to give him another new saddle 
and bridle. But all this would not persuade the groom to leave 
his saddle and bridle to the cavaliers, but he went again to fetch 
them, and stayed to pull off the saddle and bridle, whilst 
hundreds of bullets flew about his ears, and brought them back 
with him, and had no hurt at all." * 

Both parties seem to have displayed great solicitude for the 
decent interment of the dead left upon the field. Previous to his 
advance from Newbury, Essex issued the following order to the 
Rector (the Rev. Mr. Elke) and Churchwardens of the Parish 
of Enbome: "These are to will and require, and straightly 
conunand you forthwith in sight hereof, to bury all the dead 
bodies lying in and about Enbome and Newbury Wash, as you 
or any of you will answer the contrary at his peril. Dated one 
and twentieth September, 1643. Essex." 

The King also issued the following warrant to the Mayor of 
Newbury (Mr. Gabriel Coxe), " Our will and command is that 

* Whitelock*8 MemorialB, p. 71. 


you forthwith send into the town and villages adjacent and bring 
thence all the sick and hurt soldiers of the Earl of Essex's army; 
and, altho' they be rebels and deserve the punishment of traytors, 
yet out of our tender consideration upon them, being our sub- 
jects, our will and pleasure is that you carefully provide for their 
recovery as well as for those of our own army, and then send 
them unto Oxford. The one and twentieth day of September, 
1643. Rupert/' 

The dead bodies were principally buried in several tumuli on 
the Wash, some of which have become nearly obliterated. The 
largest mound, known in Borough perambulations as "Bumper's 
Hin," is situate midway between tne parishes of Newbury and 
Enbome, the boundary hne passing over its apex. In a plantation 
near the large barrow is a circular embankment with an outer 
ditch, at first sight presenting the appearance of an ancient earth- 
work; but it was no doubt prepared as an additional burial place 
for the slain, some of whom were probably buried round its mar^n. 
In the year 1855 when Wash Common was enclosed, the leveUing 
of these receptacles of the dead was commenced for the purpose 
of making a road; but the desecration was stayed by the late 
Mr. Winterbottom, the owner of the land. The workmen, how- 
ever, found indications of the bodies having been thrown in a 
heap and the earth cast over them, the floor of the mound being 
the natural surface. Many himian bones, soldiers' buttons, buckles, 
and portions of accoutrements, bullets, and cannon balls were 
mixed with the soil which was removed. In addition to the 
bodies buried on the Wash, it is said, a number were thrown 
down a deep well, and others cast into ditches and pits; but it is 
evident from the Churchwardens' accounts for tne parish of 
Newbury that many of those who were killed or mortally 
woimded were buried in the churchyard of St. Nicholas, as will 
appear from the following extract: — 

Paid for watching on the Tower 
Ringing when King was in Town 
Paid for burying dead Soldiers in the 

Churchyard and Wash 
Paid for Shrouds 
Burying Soldiers in the Church 

Many cannon balls, chain, and case shot, swords, pike-heads, 
stirrup-irons, bridle-bits, and other relics of the fight have been 
found on Enbome Heath and the Wash. Mr. Lousley has in his 
collection an amulet of large beads picked up on the field; and 
many other articles, including a musqueteer's cap or helmet, two 
lepthem water bottles (one silver-mounted), buckles, spurs, &c., 
are to be seen in the Museum at Newbury.* The 'Parliamentary 

* See Plate. 














Scout ' also notices that " there were divers fine and rich cruci- 
fixes found about the dead, whom we pillaged, so that his 
Holiness has lost some blood as well as the Parliament."* 

Several skeletons have been discovered from time to time in 
the fields below the Wash. Cannon and musquet balls have also 
been met with in Newbury ; and probably the upper part of the 
town suffered considerably from stray shot.f The tower of the 
Church is also said to have sustained damage from the artillery. 

On Friday morning, September 22nd, Essex marched from 
Theale to Reading, where a committee of the Lords and Commons 
met the victorious General, to compliment him on his groat 
service and to learn the wants of his army. 

The Earl remained two days at Reading and then moved on by 
way of Maidenhead to Windsor Castle. Tnere the prisoners taken 
in the battle were left, and so cruelly treated, it was said, by the 
Governor, that three men dropped down dead in the streets on 
their release. 

On Thursday, the 28th, Essex made a triumphal entry into 
London. The Lord Mayor (Pennington^ and the Aldennen re- 
ceived him and his troops at Temple Bar, and they had many 
thousand welcomes from the people as they passed in martial 
order through the streets. The next day Essex was waited upon 
at Essex House by the Speaker and the members of both Houses 
of Parliament, who declared to him, that they came to con- 
gratulate him on his mighty success and to render the thanks of 
the kingdom for his incomparable conduct and courage, and 
had caused their acknowledgement to be entered in their «JoumalB 
as a monument and record of his valour, and their gratitude. 

The Earl used the occasion for presenting several colouni 
captured from the enemy. On one of^these, taken at Cirencester, 
was a representation of the Parliament-house with two traitors' 
heads upon it, with the motto ""SiciU extra sic intun" (as without, 
so withm), which being supposed to belong to CoL Spencer's 
regimirait, that ofificer and his funily were ordered to be 
esled frcnn the kingdom ; but it appears after ail not to have 
been the Colonel's ensign, A second colour bore the Harp and 
Crown Bojal with the motto, "Lyrica Monarchica." Another liad 
the &[iire of a melancholy virgin in whose £aee were depicted all 
the e£aiacteis of distress and sorrow, with the %iire fn a croM, 
polled down by violent hands, lying despised at her feet, with 

22Bd to 2$th, 1M2. 

WUSk Ae msaj petitioas pteaevted to the ParfkuMSt te ttdnm^ tstter Hy^ ww, 
at tibe Pabtie Reeocd Offiee, m one h/mt » hnattg e4 the iumm oI 

i^at SewfMirf the maandm tmd lesiee^were utterly dtunamj^dyik^mmd 
tb0 hrma^t honm and owttmiMfagy htOUnd wHk dtM^-^b^ 4taoa^ 


the inscription "Meliora spero." A fourth represented an angel 
bearing a naming sword and treading on a dragon, with the motto 
"Quis ut Deus." A fifth bore the French motto "Courage pour 
la Cause." Lastly, in the Hall of the Chapel Royal, Whitehall, 
is a silk flag bearing the motto "Constanter et fideliter," to 
which the foUowing account is appended; "This flag was taken 
by Bernard Brocas, of Beaurepaire, from Cromwell's army * at the 
battle of Newbury, August 20th [September 20th], 1643. He 
was taunted by the Royalist party with indifference to their 
cause, on account of his love for a daughter of Lord Sandys, who 
held the adjoining property [The Vyne], and was in Cromweirs 
army, and stung by the imputation of cowardice, swore in the 
next engagement to take a standard or die in the attempt. This 
flag was found in his hand after the battle, and the standard- 
bearer dead by his side." 

The flags taken at Newbury were exhibited to public view, 
the people thronging round these trophies, while the trained- 
bands and auxiliaries, who had shared m the expedition, related 
all the details. Everywhere, in domestic conversations, in sermons, 
and in groups formed in the streets, the name of Essex was loudly 
shouted or silently blessed. 

Old Fuller, the author of 'The Worthies of England,' who 
strenuously adhered to the Royal cause, quaintly remarks ; — 

''Both armies may be said to heat and be beaten, neither winning the 
Dai/y but botli the Twi-light, Hence it is said that both sides were so 
sadly filled with their supper over night, neither next morning had any 
stomach to hreahfast, but keeping their stations, were rather contented 
io face than willing to fight one another. * * ♦ ♦ Many here lost 
their lives, as if Newbury were so named by a sad Prolepsis, fore- 
signifying that that Town should afford a new hurying place to many 
slain in two bloody battles." f 

That the battle was looked upon as ffrave and serious by 
both sides is very evident. The loyal nistorian Sir Richard 
Baker considers, tor example, that "this was a harder bout then 
that of Edgehill; so that neither part having any stomach to 
renew the nght, thejr marched away one from the other, both the 
King and Essex having first sent their warrants to Newbury and 
Enborne for the Burial of the Dead Bodies. Essex his aym was 
to relieve Gloucester, which he accordingly effected, though not 

* The Parliamentary army is here spoken of as "Cromwell's Army," but at this 
time the future Protector held only a subordinate command, and was not engaged 
in this battle. The estate of the Brocas family at Beaurepaire, near Sherborne 
St. John, has long since passed into other bands, and the house has been moder- 
nized. The Vyne is an interesting old mansion, and was originally built by the 
first Lord Sandys in the early part of the 16ih cent., but was greatly altered by 
Inigo Jones and his son-in-law Webb. In the private chapel, which Horace 
Walpole described " as the most heavenly chapel in the world," is an altar tomb, 
with an effigy of ChaUoner Chute, Speaker of the House of Commons in Biohard 
Cromwell's Parliament. 

t 'Worthies,' Lend., 1662, pp. ill, 112. 


without some damage: for Colonel Hurrey with a good party of 
horse fell upon the rear of his army, commanded Djr Sir Philip 
Stapleton, whom in a narrow lane they charged so furiously, that 
they forced them to a run directly forward through their own 
foot, till at length getting into the field they faced about, and 
forced the King's party back again: many colours of the King's 
comets were carried up to London, and much reputation was 
gained by this expedition to General Essex and the London 
Trained 6ands; not that there had been wanting the height of 
gallantry and resolution (however Fortune fail'd) on the King's 
side." * 

In fact the loss in oflScers and men was very heavy ; and the 
"Weekly Account" of Sept. 28, 1643, bears vivid testimony to 
this fact. In it the writer says, "It was a lamentable spectacle 
the next morning to behold what heaps of bodies and diversities 
of slaughter in one field this tragedy had compiled, and that the 
consanguineous foes, whom the sun could never hope to see 
reconcued, should on his return, with cold arms be observed to 
embrace one another, and to mingle themselves in each other's 
blood, by the incestuous cruelty and union of death." 

Of all those who fell on this memorable day no one was so 
missed as Falkland, none so frequently referred to at these and 
later times. Ward,f writing in 1757, a hundred years after the 
great fight, fully endorses the opinion as to the single heartedness 
of this, one of the earliest victims to the Civil War. He says: — 

*^ Maintaining still his secretary's post, 
Till he at once his life and office lost, 
Resigning both at Newb'ry, in the field 
Of battle, by a fatal bullet kill'd. 
As boldly charging with undauntei^ force, 
In the front rank of noble Byron's horse. 
Falling among the valiant and the just. 
Who dy'd that day an honour to their Trust." 

When morning broke Essex drew up the remnant of his 
shattered forces on the Wash, and announced his willingness to 
renew the fight, "if the enemy had any stomach for the field," by 
the firing of artillery, but the challenge not bein^ acceptea, 
Essex, finding the way to London by Greenham open before him, 
proceeded on his march towards Reading without opposition. 

From this, it is evident how complete his victory was. Had 
there been any power of renewing the engagement, doubtless the 
Royalists would gladly have availed themselves of it. But 
beaten back after an action which had lasted from dawn to dusk. 

* 'Chronicle of the Kings of England,' by Sir Richard Baker, knight, 4th edit., 
London, 1664, p. 570. 

t ' England's Reformation,' y. ii, p. 327* 



their demoralization and fatigue must have been extreme. So 
the stem Parliamentary call to battle passed unheeded. The 
spirit of the King's army crushed by recent defeat had "little 
stomach" to try again the fortunes of another day. The army 
of Essex, prepared to fight again if necessary to obtain the right 
of passage past the town of Newbury, had no longer any such 
need. Ke-forming his column of march from battle arrajr, the 
Earl resumed his movement eastward with no further fear of 
immediate molestation. 

The route taken by the Parliamentary troops was by Monkey 
Lane,* Greenham Common, Brimpton, and Aldermaston. No 
sooner had Essex and his men entered the narrow lane between 
the latter village and Pad worth -f than Prince Rupert, who, with a 
column of cavalryand 800 musquetoers had unperceived taken 
up a position in nis line of march, fell suddenly on the rear- 
guard under Sir Philip Stapleton, throwing it into considerable 
disorder. The horse galloped through the foot crying, panic 
struck, "Away! away! every man for his life! you are all dead 
men." But tne foot soon rallied, and, spreading themselves along 
the hedges on either side, poured in such telling volleys on 
Rupert's wearied cavalry, that after a desperate struggle, in 
which great courage was shown by both parties, the Royalists, 
having no force to support them, were compelled to abandon the 
attack, and fall back, losing (it is said) in this short and mur- 
derous affair something like 300 men.J After this, the final 
rencontre, Essex crossed the Kennet at Padworth,§ and pushed on 
to Theale, where he arrived about ten o'clock* and quartered 
for the night. 

The Field being cl^r of the enemy, the King's immediate care 
was bestowed on the wounded, who were lying in frightful nimi- 
bers all around, every neighbouring cottage, and the old farm 
house at Enbome,|| being crowded with those who had been able 

* Monkey Zane, An ingenious origin has been assigned to this name— that it 
was a £a.yourite walk of the Monks at the neighbouring priory at Sandleford, and 
hence was called <' Monks' Lane," which has been corrupted into the present 
unmeaning appellation. A Monks', or Abbot's Walk or Lane is frequently found 
in the vicinity of monastic establishments. 

f See Notes on this encounter in the Appendix. 

X The Mereuriua Aulietta states that the party sent in pursuit of Essex was 
under the Earl of Northampton and Lord Wilmot, the Prince being the prime 
leader, and computes his loss at 100. Oldmixon, following an earlier writer, gives 
Hurry the credit of leading the horse under Eupert, and estimates the King's loss 
at 80 men, and that of the Parliament at 8 ! The foot were under George Lisle. 

§ Padworth, Near this place a smaU iron casket, of the time of Charles I, was 
found some few years since. It is supposed to have been used for conveying the pay 
of the troops, but was found empty ! The relic is in the possession of W. G. Mount, 
Esq., President of the Newbury District Field Club. 

H Near Enborne Lodge, and in the occupation of Mr. Wm. Heath It is still known 
as *'The Hospital," and is an old-fashioned gabled building, apparently little changed 
since the time of the battle. 


to crawl to a place of shelter. Nor was his Majesty's care limited 
to mere enquiry: for the "Parliamentary Scout' * of the time 
states that "It is reported that His Majesty desired to see the 
wounded, which, some say, having viewed, he went sadlv away." 
The more sorely wounded were left upon the battle-field the whole 
night. The bodies of His Majesty's chief officers, many of whom 
there was reason to suppose had fallen, were first sought for, and, 
when discovered, it was found that they had been spoiled 
and stripped by Essex's camp followers. The King whose silence 
evinced his deep sorrow, ordered an escort of their own gallant 
troopers to attend the remains of their beloved leaders to the 
town, where they were respectfully deposited in the Town Hall 
(at that time standing in the centre of the Market-place), and 
covered with the ensigns of their loyalty, till the necessary pre- 
parations could be made for honourable interment, f 

Lord Grey of Groby, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir John Meyrick, 
Sir Samuel Luke, Captain Charles Pym, and several other officers 
were rewarded with the thanks of ParKament for their distin- 
guished services at Newbury. 

This battle was important in two ways. Politically it dis- 
heartened the Royalist party. From a military point of view it 
gave courage to the Parliamentarians, for it snowed that the 
apprentices of London and the Roundhead horsemen were as 
dauntless as any of those who wore the Royalist badge, and 
could meet even the charge of Prince Rupert's cavaliers with 
coolness and stedfast valour. Essex did not aim at gaining the 
town of Newbury. His object was to push past the place and 
pursue his journey unmolested to London. This he accom- 
plished, although he left the town in the King's hands. The 
Parliamentary organ 'Mercurius Britannicus'J ventured to 
boldly advance that "the towne of Newbery is a just witness 
who won the field"; but this is fully counteracted by the opinion 
held by the royalist journal 'Mercurius Aulicus' the following 
week that "It is your Moderator's § own towne, and is a very 
i ndifferent judge." 


* September 22 to 29, 1643, t See Appendix. 

X Friday, September 29, 1643. The I£ercur%w Britannicua was conducted by 
Marchmond Needham, who, educated at the Poor School at Burford, was one of the 
Choristers at All Souls College, Oxford, and B.A., 1637. During the Civil War he 
distinguished himself by his political pamphlets, first against the Parliament and 
afterwards against the King, so that at the Restoration it was with difficulty that 
he obtained Us pardon. 

§ Dr. Twisse, Prolocutor of the Assembly of Divines. The Mereurius Aulictu 
was written by John Birkenhead, bom of poor parents in Cheshire, a Fellow of 
All Souls CoUege, Oxford. He suffered much in His Majesty's cause, being fre- 
quently in prison, and deprived of all his preferments. Soon after the Restoration 
he was made LL.D. Elected a Burgoss for Wilton, knighted by His Majesty, and 
made Master of the Faculties, one of the Masters of Requests, Fellow of the Royal 
Society, he died in 1679 without having, as it seems, made such returns as he 
might to those who befriended him in his necessities. See Walker's * Sufferings of 
the Clergy,' pt. ii, p. 98. 


There seems to be little to criticize in the conduct of the 
action on the Parliamentary side; certain it is that, despite the 
unquestionable valour of their opponents, they were able to carry 
out their object, that of marcliing on London. This point must 
be clearly kept in view. The destruction of the King's army, and 
the pursuit that should always follow a victory in order to reap 
the mil results of the success, were not necessary here. The Ean 
wanted the right of way and he obtained it. Though the 
King's army still held Newbury, it had been definitely forced 
back into the town. The pursuit effected by Rupert was practi- 
cally barren of results, and cannot be taken as a prooT that 
the King could claim to have won the hard-fought field. If a 
few enthusiastic troopers could, as they did, follow the plume of 
the dashing cavalier, the rest of the army could not. The barren 
occupation of the battle-field, which can be the only grounds on 
which the Royalists could base their claim, was soldy possible 
because Essex did not want it. The advance of the weak force 
by Guyer's Lane on the passage of the Kennet may be looked as 
a mere petty reconnaissance on that side, and could exercise no 
influence on the fortune of the day. To get hold of the river 
line and Newbury was not Essex s object, and no importance 
should be attached to this afifair. The value of the reserves and 
their usefulness in checking the counter attack of the Royalist 
cavalry on the then exposed left flank of the left wing, resting as 
it was almost "en Tair,' in the field, is clearly noticeable, and on 
this side the fight was ably and well conducted; but it is difficult 
to see why the attack of the right wing was not more vigor- 
ously pressed. 

A more determined advance by Trundle Hill would have taken 
in flank and soon in reverse the line of Royalist guns, already 
fully engaged with the musketeers and artillery of the left wing 
from Skinner's Green. Moreover an advance in echellon from 
the right, that is gradually advancing that wing further than the 
other, without destroying connection and communication be- 
tween them, would not merely have brought his force across the 
flank of the Royalist army, but have prevented altogether an 
advance of the King's right on the Kmtbury road, which was 
always possible and might have been dangerous. The probable 
explanation is that the open nature of the ground rendered the 
advance on this flank difficult against troops that could display 
such bravery and tenacity as the cavaliers of the King. 

Turning to the Royal forces there is less to criticize, the more 
so as the details of their dispositions are somewhat wanting. 
Their left wing seems to have been well posted, and to have effec- 
tually checked the advance of Essex's right; but it is a question 
whether the massing of all their artillery from the commencement 
so far back on the Wash was advisable. Evidently their chief wish 
was to block the way simply; and the King appeared desirous of 


offering a passive resistance, so that the artiUery position as 
selected, resting as it did with both flanks on the slope, north and 
south of the narrow neck of the Wash, across which the entrench- 
ment stretched and the main road ran, seems well chosen at first 
glance to fulfil the object, especially bearing in mind the short 
ranffe of the field artillery of the period. But the left was 
liable to be taken in enfilade from Trundle Hill, and the right 
could be threatened from the cover of the hedge-rows of Dark 
Lane which approached to within musket shot of the King's guns. 

Further the RoyaUst account states that they were much 
annoyed by the fire of the Parliamentary ffuns on the Round Hill, 
and it was owinff to their position that the counter attack along 
the valley towards Newbury was mainly checked. It has been 
already pointed out that tms side was tor Essex that which was 
most vital to him. 

It would have been wiser therefore for the Royalists to have 
prevented the occupation of the round spur above Cope Hall; 
and this need not have been done, as suggested by them, by the 
actual occupation of the ridge, but by holding with their foot 
the hedge-rows of Dark Lane, and placing their right wing 
artillery or a portion of them on the spur to the right rear of the 
lane, whence they could both cover the low valley towards the 
Kennet, and at the same time bring so powerful a fire on the 
"round hill" as to preclude the possibihty of the guns of the 
attack coming into action. In fact that two batteries, one on the 
spur east of Dark Lane, the other at about the same position as 
the entrenchment actually occupied, with the left flank well 
"refused" or thrown back so as to meet the fire from Trundle Hill, 
would have made the occupation of the "round hill" impractic- 
able. The right wing battery thus echelloned would have been 
protected from cavalry attack by the hedge-rows, and could have 
fired, over the heads of the musketeers there, on the opposing 
artillery when endeavouring to unlimber. Though not definitely 
stated, the piercing the Royal centre by Falkland Farm, which 
seems to have been Essex's main attack, must have been coupled 
by an advance of his right from Trundle Hill, and the greatest 
credit is due to the King's commander in having been able, as 
he did, to withdraw under these circumstances all his forces into 
Newbury without having, as is often the case, the two wings 
separated and driven in diverging directions from the field. 

The charge of the Royalist cavalry imder Falkland a^inst the 
hedge-rows of Dark Lane was a daring and gallant action, but a 
useless waste of life. In all probability it would have been 
difficult even for a good horse and rider in the hunting field; how 
much more so with the weight of armour and the intense excite- 
ment of the charge. 

The spirit lived (and let us hope it still survives) in the breasts 
of those who rode so gallantly to death up the Balaklava Valley 


against the Russian guns; but the French Marshal's remark that 
*'c'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la guerre," is as true of the 
gallant cavaliers of Charles I., as it was of the fearless horsemen 
of Cardigan's light brigade. 





Extracted from a MS* hy Richa/rd Symonds (author of the ^^IHa/ry 
of the Marches of the Royal Army ^^ J, entitled: — 


Both of Trayned Bands and Auxiliaries, 
togeather w^^ the nearest number of their trayned soldiers, 



Tuesday, Septemb. 26, 1643. 

Anno pestiffer^. Eebellionis." 

The Red Regiment of Trayned-Bands. 
This Regim*' was not at y« general! Muster in ffinsbury ffeilds. 


Officers about 
The Totall 

Came from Newbery on Thursday, Sep. 28, 1643, 

CoUonel Isaaek Pennington, Vsurper Maior; 1643. 
Colonels Captayne Richard Vemer. 
The limitts of this Regim*- 

Comhill, Lumbard-street, Fenchurch, the vpp. pt. of Grace 
Church Street, &c. 

Lieut. Col. Robt. Dauies 

a Slop-maker for Seamen neare Billingsgate. 

S' leant Maior Tho. Chamb'laine. viol' a Merchant, lining neare 
Lenden hall. 

1. Capt. Thomas Player 

a hosyer and wholesaleman for narrow wares, lining vpon new 
ffish street hill. 

2. Capt. Chr. Whichcott, a merchant 

Colonel of the Greene Regim** of Auxiliaries about Clfipplegate. 

3. Capt. W"** Manby, clerke of LeatherseUers hall. 

4. Capt. Joseph Vaughan, displaced. 

* Harl. MS. No. 986. 

t The Ensigns or Colours of Begimentfl and Companies, given in the ' Diary,' 
are not reproduced here. 


The Yellow Regiment of Trayned-Bands. 

This Eog*- inarched 2^ into yo f eild at ye general! Muster aforesaid 
and consisted of 

Muskets • . 506 

Pikes .. .. 448 

Officers about . . 070 

TheTotall ., 1024 

CoUonel Thomas Adams, Alderman, he was not at Newbury. 
CoUonel's Captayne Edw. Clegatt. 
Limitts of this Eegim* 
pt. of Thames Street, beginning at St. Magnus Church and reacheth 

to Bread Street, Dowgate, Walbrooke, ffriday street and part of 

Watling Street, &c. 

Lieut. Col. Francis West, A Silke man lining in Bread street. 

This West was Colonel of this Regim*- at Newbery. Capt. Edw. 
Stoning was his Capt.-leiut. there, and shott in the heele and dyed at 
Reading and buried [there]. 

S^ieant Maior W™' Vnderwood, a Tobacco Seller in Bucklers Bury. 
Capt. Rich. Hacket p^ ceded this Vnderwood in thisRegim* but left 
them refusing there oath of Associacon and is now in his Ma**«* Service. 
Garlicke hill and Queene Hithe Company. 

1, Capt. Edw. Bellamy 

a Vintner at the Rest on ffleetbridge. 
a ffishmonger in Thames Street neare the Bridge. 
Capt. Rich. Hacket was Capt. of this Company. 

2. Capt. John Booker 

Register to y« Com'issioners of Banckrupt. 
Lining in Wallbrooke. 

3. Capt. Geo. Dipford, aly Merchant. 

a Linn en Drap' neare Bow Church in the Ch. yard. 
Cheape Side Company ag*- the Standard. 
St. Antsokins Bow-Lane, &c. Company. 

4, Capt. William Coleson. 

he w*^ his Company carried the Statues in the Church of All- 
hallowes to 3^ Parliam. 

A Dyer lining neare Dyers haU in Thames in Little All-haUowes 
p'ish. tenant to N.E.H. 

The Blew Regiment of Tratned-Baiojs. 

This Regim*- was not at this Muster but came from Newbery on 
Thursday, Septemb. 28, 1643. 

It was the biggest Regim* of y« Trayned bands 1400 of them at 
Bramf . or Tumha greene. 


The limitts of this Regim*- is Cohnan Street, The Stocks Lothbury, 
Old Jewry, pt. of Cheape side. 

CoUonel John Warner Alderma*. 

CoUonels Captayne Thomas Juxon a Sugar baker lining in St. 
Thomas Apostles, most violent, slayne at Newbery in this Manner, his 
horse was shott by a Can'on bullet in the forehead, being stun'd w*^ 
the blow, ran w*^ him violently right on, into his Ma*^®^ Army where 
the horse fell downe dead, and he was mortally wounded and left 
dead, but the body of y® Army leaning the place left him too, and by 
that time he recouered his sences and was carried to London, and 
dyed w*^in four dayes. His estate was neare Godalming in Surrey 
where he lined. 

Lieu*- Col. Mathew ffoster. 

Vintner at the Shipp behind the Exch. put out himseKe, but tooke 
the oath of Assoc, taken by the Capt. of the Citty for opposing all 
forces raysed w*^out consent of P. 

S'ieant Maior Owen Roe, a Mercer in Cheape side. 

1. Capt. Mathew Sheppard. Merchant, a Sugar baker p'ner w*^ 
Juxon afores^ in St. Thomas Apostles. 

2. Capt. jfoancis Roe, brother to Owen Roe, one of these Roes lines 
in Colman street. 

3. Capt. Robt. Mainwaring, of y® Custome hovse. Lining in 

Hath a Troope of horse besides and quitted this Capt. 

The Red Regiment of Attxtliaeies. 

Colonel Thomas Atkins 


Colonels Captayne or Capt. Leftenant, 

Geo. Mosse. 
The limitts of this Regm*» 

Aldgate, Meirke Lane, Tower street, Billingsgate, &c. 

Leuit. Colonel Randal Mainwaring 
his shop is Li Cheape side neare L*onmonger lane by Col. Towse. 
Was Colonel of the Red Reg. of Auxiliaries and w*^ them at 

Prisoners Removed out of Ely howse, 1643. S^ieant Maior Tucker 
Mr. Wm. Ingoldsby, of Walton in Com' \ Carried ^e Prisoners 

hertf. Gl: 
Mr. Walt, ffarr Essex 
Mr. John Scriuener, Com' Suff. Esqr. 
Mr. Hen. Wilford Esq. 

Mr. hopesiU Tilder Jucate of Sandwich | off. 

Mr. Sam' DanieU of Buhner in Essex Recusant I This Tucker went out 

Mr. Tilyard ) i* v *t, I Colonel of this 

Mr. Hall of Homey j <>* ^a^outh. f Regimt at Newbery. 


out of Ely howse to 
the Ship, was slayne 
at Newbery, Sep : 
1643, his head shott 


1. Captayne Willm' Tomson. 

Tms Tomson was leiftenant Colonel of this Begm^* at Newberry. 

2. Capt. Edw: Hooker. 

8. Capt. Lawrence Bromfeild. 
4. Capt. Eichard Hunt: 

a Confectioner in Bearebinder lane: slayne at Newbeiy quon* 

dam S'uant to Capt. Ditchfeild. 

This Hunt was 3^- Capt. at Newbury. 
The Ensigns or Colours of the Blue and Orange Begiments of the 
Auxiliaries are given by Symonds, without any names of officers. 

Total of the Trained-Bands and Auxiliaries engaged at Newbury. 


Red Reg: S'ppose it recruted 1000 

Yellow Reg: Mustered 1024 

Blew Reg: Suppose it recruted, and at most 1000 


Blet^fg. i S^PPPf *^5: aU 3 recruted | ^^^ 
OrengeEeg. ) an d to consist of j 

Note. — TJotil the reign of Queen Anne, eyerv •* Company*' in a Regiment carried 
a ** Colonr." Those used by the Trained- Bands at this time were of the same colour 
as tbe name of the Regiment denotes: thus the Red Reg^ent bore a red flag. 
The devices on each were different in the several Begimentii. The Coloners Colour 
was perfectly plain; the Lieutenant-Colonel's had the red cross of St, George on a 
white ground in the first quarter; the remainder were similar, with the addition of 
a number of devices, such as a diamond, a trefoil, ball or other such device, 
corresponding to the number of the Company. The Sergeant- Major [Major} bad 
one such mark; the Senior Captain two, and so on. * History of the Hon. Artillery 
Company,' by G A. Raikes; pp. 139, 140. 


It is difficult at times to reconcile local traditional history and names 
witli the probable course of events gathered from other and more trust- 
worthy sources. Now, near Theale is a narrow winding lane (leading 
north from the main Reading road) to which has been assigned the 
name of **Deadman's Lone," and this has been described by several 
writers as the spot where this encoimter took place, and somewhat in 
verification of tins tradition, a sword,* portions of horse-trappings, &c., 

* While inspecting the ground near Deadman's Lane a short time since, the 
writer was informed that in removing a bank in the immediate neighbourhood, 
a sword had been dug up, and this he was fortunately able to secure. The sword is 
a straight cut-and- thrust blade, much worn by repeated grinding; the fighting 
■word of a gentleman from its lightness and finish. The hilt is of the oiSinary 
pattern of the 17th century. This relic is now in the h<inds of the Bev. A. Clatter* 
buck, rector of Eng efield, to whom it has been presentedr 


have been found in the adjacent fields; but a glcmce at a map wiU 
prove at once that this ** affair" had nothing whatever to do with th« 
pursuit after the battle of the 20th. 

It is quite clear that, after having driven the King's forces into tho 
town of Newbury and to some extent across the Kennet, the Earl 
of Essex would endeavour to keep that obstacle, the river, between 
him and the enemy as long as possible, and only cross it to gain the 
main road by Eeading to London, which ran along the north bank of 
the Kennet, i,e, on the enemy* % side of the river, when fairly beyond aU 
danger of being disturbed by the King's troops from the direction of 
Shaw House. 

It is well known that Essex after the battle advanced by Qreenham 
Common en route for Eeading and London, and it is evident he must 
have marched by the old winding roads through Aldermaston to the 
point of passage at Padworth and so by Theale. This line of march 
would leave Deadman's Lane on the left, and there would be no object 
whatever in going down it, unless the force had unaccountably lost its 
way. On this ground alone, therefore it is improbable iiiat any 
fighting took place there on this occasion. 

Further, Sergeant-Major Foster, of the trained-bands, says that 
when on the march towards Eeading, Prince Eupert overtook the 
army "in the narrow lanes about 1^^ mile from the village of Alder- 
maston," and after the skirmish they marched unmolested to Theale, 
where they arrived at 10 o'clock. 

Again, the ' Mercurius Britannicus' *says : — "Whereupon we marched 
toward Eeading (to gaine quarters to supply our want of victuals) and 
when we had marched 6 or 7 miles, the enemy's horse having got 
an advantageous passage, which our horse endeavouring to cleere, 
charged them, and in a na/rrow lane neere Sir Humphrey For8ter*B house, 
part of our foote were disordered neere into a route by our own horse, 
for relief of which Col. Middleton alights from his horse and draws 
out 60 musqueteers, which he valorously led up first to relieve a stout 
cannoneer of ours, who with three men made good his station where 
he had charge of three case of drakes, against all the enemy's horse, 
the King's horse were beaten off and 80 slain in the place with the 
loss of 10 of ours." The * Mercurius Britannicus' is never very paxti- 
cular as to accuracy in numbers. 

This is evidence enough that Deadman's Lane had nothing to do 
with the march on London, as the lane is 5 or 6 miles from the village 
of Aldermaston, which is definitely named.f 

* From Tuesday the 19, September to Tuesday 26, September 1643. 

f The following extract from the parish register of Aldermaston, made with the 
kind permission of the vicar, the Rev. J. B. Bume, tends to show that Essex and his 
men passed tiirough that village, the soldier buried in the church-yard having 
most probably died on the march. 

** 1643 September 23, a Parliament souldier kill'd at Newbury." 
There are also two antecedent entries (as follow) 
** 1643 May 13, a Parliament souldier being a German." 
" 1643 Aiq^ 29, Wm. Hill, a Parliament souldier." 
In moving the ground for the purpose of making a vault in Padworth Churchyard 
some years since, the remains of several male bodies were found promiscuously 
thrown into a large grave, which, from certain indications, were supposed to belong 
to soldittw who fcdl in some a&ay in the neighbourhood. 


A probable explanation of the finding of the sword and other articles 
near Deadman's Lane, is that some other fight occurred here during 
Parliamentary times — such as appears by the following letters to have 
taken place the previous month, August 1643. 

(No. 1). Letter from the Earl of Essex to Col. GFoodwin. 
Sir. Understanding from Col. Ven* that som hors heave nowe 
quartered at Veal 3 myls from Reading, I resolved to send som hors to 
visit them, which CoUonel Dalbeere desired to perform, as much [as] 
I know I have sent you, by which you may perceive it was no great 
matter for a great body of hors to tack som hors of a brocken troupe 
that quartered themselves at Wikeham against orders, and if the 
enemy had not taken the payns to have carried the lieftenant away I 
had called him to a Marshall's Court, f I am, your attached friend, 
Essex. Kingston, 13 Aug., 1643. (Tanner MSS., Bibl. Bodl. v. 62-1, 
No. 254). 

(No. 2). Letter from Col. Dalbier to the Earl of Essex. 
** According to orders marcht from Kingston to the quarters of my 
regiment at Cobham, and gave orders for the several troops to march 
to Bagshot, where, with Capt. Pym's troop, I arrived about 7 o'clock: 
the troop consisted of 40 men, in all about 100 men, passed from 
Bagshot 10 at night with a guide who brought me to Swallowfield, 
where I took another guide who brought me to Burfield Bridge, which 
was a little after break of day, when, and no sooner, did I hear the 
enemy was got at Theale, which made me the greater diligence to get 
them unaware, which indeed we did, for we f oim.d them without guard 
onely ready to goe away, not knowing ^anything of our entering the 
town, there was some 5 or 6 kill'd and so many or more sorely hurt : 
26 of horse brought to this Castle prisoners, among which is the 
Captain who commanded, Lieut., Comet, Quarter-master, and some 
Corporals, the rest are troopers. My men hath gotten about 40 horses, 
but very poore, insomuch that in all the matter is no great value. 
I am both weary and sleepy, and my horses tyred, which makes me 
stay here this night. I shall, however, if it please God, come to your 
Excellency to relate the business more at large. J. Dtjlbieb." 
Windsor, 13 Aug., 1643. (Tanner MSS., Bibl. Bodl., v.;62-l. No. 235). 

* Col. Venn, who before joining the army had been a silkman in Cheapside, was 
Governor of Windsor Castle, which was garrisoned for the Parliament soon after 
the breaking out of the war. Prince Rupert made an unsuccessful attack upon it in 
the autumn of 1642. The Castle continued in the hands of the Parliament during 
the whole war, and in 1648 became the prison of the unfortunate King, who, as 
Hoath expresses it, kept his sorrowful and last Christmas here. Col. Venn was one 
of the King's judges. 

t The latter part of this letter evidently refers to other proceedings in Bucking- 
hamshire, in which the Parliamentarians had the worst of it. 




It has been stated by some -srriters that the Queen herself was 
present at the First Battle of Newbury, but this is not borne out by 
the following letters*. written by Her Majesty, when at Oxford, to the 
Duke of Newcastle. 

Harl. MS. 6988, fo. 157. 

Oxford, ce 23, Sept. 
Mon cousin ce porteur est demeure sy a propos quil vous portera la 
nouuelle de la victoyre que nous auons eue sur les rebelles de quoy le 
vous en voye la relation: et quoy que se n'aye pas estte vne totalle 
desf ait neaumoins sest vne fort grande victoyre il est vray que nous 
y auons perdu quantite de honneste gens : qui y ont fait des merueilles 
je vous assure que nos gens que jay amene auec moy n'ont pas mal 
fait tellement que Ion pent dire que nostre armee du north a ayde a la 
desfaite je suis sy lasse non pas de mestre batue, mais de en auoir ouy 
parler, que je finiray en disant que je suis constamant, 

Yostre fidelle amie, 

A Mon cousin le Marquis de Newcastel. 

Harl. MS. 6988, fo. 158. 

Oxford ce 7 Octobre. 

Mon cousin jl y a sy longtamps que je nay reseu de vos nouvelles 
que je commance a croyre que vous nous croyes ysy tout morts: se que 
nous ne sommes pas ; sest nous qui tueons le autres : nonobstant les 
grandes rejouisances faits a Londre. H trouent que ils ont perdu leur 
armee : il y a beaucoup des f ammes des citisiens de Londre qui vienent 
chercher leur maris a Newbery disant que Mr. desex leur a dit quils 
estoit la en garnison: du depuis le Eoy: tout batu quil est a en voye 
vne garnison a reading et son exselance ne les a point ampeches tout 
les jours jl vient des forces du parlement trouuer le Eoy: jl m'est 
ariue vn maJheur au quel je crois vous prandres part: Watt Monteque 
est pris a rochester par le parlemant venant ysy auec Tambassadeur 
de franco: il a voulu saduanser devant et a estte recongnu et pris: je 
croy que lambassadeur ne veut point venir quil ne lait encore : jl y a 
vn chose que je desire sauoir de vous de vant que de la faire: 

Ma/rquis Sertford Groume 

174 a desire destre 15- 17- 27* 45. | 

de stoule du King of England, 

22- 50 35. 62- 44- 1' 5- 8. 48. 35. 62. 23. 8. 66.| 5- 63- 189. | 

sola estant jl fault quil 52- 62- 27* 45- 8* 68. | destre. | 22. 35- 63. 

G(merneu/r de Prince Cha/rlea 

64- 8. 50. 40- 10- 63- 51- 1 5* 7- 239. tellement que il en fault b^. 42- 
Esi/re vn autre de P. Cha/rlea 

8. 48. 45- 50- 8. 62. 41. 17. 62. 45. 50. 8. | au pres 5- 8- 239. ce que 

* One of these letters is partly written in cipiher, as will be seen; and some 
deciphered words appear to have been intercalated in the original. 


Queene vom 

260, ne veut pas sans premierement sauoir sy. 63. 35. 63* 48. | 

la ratmr 
66' 4' 70 voules 2j. 18, 50* 77. 62' 25' ^1* 50* \ se que jay cm auec 

vow auez pas 

lamploy que 64- 35* 63 48. | 17* 62- 8- 48. ne se pouroit 33- 17- 48. 
17' 11 35' 50' 5' 8' 51. neanmoins: je atandray vostre responce: et ay 

voustombes days la mesme opinion que moy: jl y a 5* 8* 62* 48. 

autres 33* 23* 17* 11* 8* 49* que je desire sauoir la quelle vous sera 
plus agreable : nayant rien tant dans ma pancee que de vous f aire voir 
et a tout le monde lestime que je fais de vous: sest pour quoy mande a 
moy franchement et comme a vne amie: comme je fais a sette lieure a 

Chamhellan ou gentilhomme de la CJuimhre du lit 
vous: se que vous desirez ir jr jj- 40' ij' 8' 2j' 24: 18' 40' j" jj" 
62' 27' ly 41' 4S' 28 2 J' jr jj" 42' 44' y j" 8' 24' ly ir jr iq* 

43' ^3' 50' 7' 5' ^^' ^4' ^^' 45' sy jauois voulu aler par seremonies 
je vous lorois fait escrire par vn autre: mais sela est bon la ou jl nia 
pas vne estime comme jay de vous: et comme se sy est escrit auec 
irancliise je demande vne responce de mes me: et que vous me oroyes 
comme je suis veritablement et constamment, 

Yostre fidelle et bien bonne amie, 

A Mon cousin le Marquis de Newcastel. 

The Marquis of Newcastle was at this time in the North, and a few 
days previously writes as below to Prince Rupert, congratulating him 
on his (questionable) success at Newbury : — 

**May it please your Highness. God give you joy of your late 
great victory, which I am confident the rebels will never recover: 
so that upon the matter one may salute the King, King again, and 
only by your hand, Sir, * * * Your Highness' s most faithful 
obliged servant, W. Newcastle. 

Cottingham, 6 Oct., 1643. 






** Being taken by some of the Parliamentary Forces, as she was sliding 
** On a small planck board and sayling on itjover the River at Newbery, 
'* Together with the strange and true manner of her death, with the 
'* Words and Speeches she used at the same time. 

Printed by John Hammond 1643. 

[A very rough woodoat of the conventional ** Witch " is printed with the title.] 

* * Many are in the belief that this silly sex of Woman can by no meanes 
attaine to that so vile and damned a practise of sorcery and Witchcraft 
in regard to their illeterateness and want of learning, which many 
Men of greate learning have become. Adam by temptation toucht and 
tasted the deceiving apple so some high leam'd and read, by the same 
Tempter that deceived him hath bin ensnared to contract with the Devil 
as for example in the instancing a few English, Bacon of Oxford, 
Yandermast of Hollande, Bungy of Germany, Fostus of the same place, 
Franciscus the English monke of Bery, Doctor Blackleach and divars, 
others that were tedious to relate of, but how weake Woman should 
attain unto it many are incredible of the same and many too are 
opposite of opinion gainst the same, that giving a possibility to their 
doubtings that the malice and inveterate malice of a woman entirely 
devoted to 'her revengefull wrath frequenting desolate and desart 
places and giving way unto their wicked temptation may have com- 
mune with that world roaring Lion and covenant and contract upon 
condition, the like hath in divars places and tymes been tried at the 
assises of Lancaster, Carlile, Buckingham and elsewhere, but to come 
to the intended relation of this Witch's and Sorceresse's doings as is 
manifestly and credibly related by Q-entlemen, Commanders and 
Captaines of the Earle of Essex his Army. 

** A part of the Army marching thro' Newbery some of the Souldiers 
being scattered by reason of theyre loytering by the way in gathering 
Nuts, Apples, Plummes, Black berries and the like, one of them by 
chance in climbing up a Tree being pursued by his fellows or Comrade 
in Waggish Merriment jesting one with another espied on the river 
being there adjacent a tsll lean slender Woman as he supposed to his 
amasement and great terrour treading of the water with her f eete with 
as much ease and firmnesse as if one should walk or trample on the 
earth, wherewith he softly calls and beck'ned to his fellows to behold 
it and with all possible speed that could be to obscure them from her 
sight, who as conveniently as they could they did observe, this could 

* It is only for the sake of illustrating the th'^ughts and actions ot the times 
referred to, that the f Uowing account of a heartless and superstitious murder is 
here given, with the grossly illiterate form retained, in which the brutality, credulity, 
and ignorance of the day produced it as a catchpenny sheet for the vulgar. 


be no little amasement unto tliem you may think to see a Woman 
dance upon the water, nor could all their sights be deluded, though 
perhaps one might, but arriving nearer to the Shore they could perceive 
there was a planck or deale overshadowed with a little shallow water 
that she stood upon which did beare her up, anon rode by some of the 
Commanders who were eye-witnesses as much as they and were as 
much astonished as they could be, still too and fro she fleeted on the 
water, the boord standing firm about upright, indeed I have both 
heerd and read of many that in tempests and on Eivers by casualty 
have become ship-wrack'4 or cast overboord where catch'g empty 
Barrells, rudders, boords or plancks have made good shift by the 
assisting providence of GK)d to get on shore, but not in this woman 
kind, when as little thinking who perceived her tricks, or that she did 
imagine that they were the last she should ever show, as we have 
heard the Swan sings before her death, at last having been sufficiently 
upon the water he that deceived her alway, did so then, blinding her 
that she could not see at her landing the ambush that was laid for her, 
coming upon the shore she gave the boord a push, which they plainly 
perceived and crossed the river, they searched after her, but could not 
find her she being landed. The Commanders beholding her gave 
orders to lay hold on her and bring her to them straight, the which 
some were f eerfull, but some being more valorous than other some, 
boldly went to her and siesed upon her by the armes demanding what 
she was, but the woman no whit replying any words unto them they 
brought her to the Commanders to whom, tho' mightily she was urged 
she did reply as little, so consulting with themselves what should be 
done to her, it being so apparently appeared she was a Witch, being 
lothe to let her goe and as loth to carry her with them, so they resolved 
with themselves to make a shot at her, and gave orders to a couple of 
their Souldiers that were approv'd good marksmen to charge and shoot 
her strait, which they purposed to doe, so setting her s&ait again a 
Mud Banke or wall two of the Souldiers according to their comand 
made ready when having taken aime, gave fire and shot at her, as 
thinking sure they had sped her, but with a deriding and loud laughter 
at them she caught theyre bullets in her hands and shewed them, 
which was stronger testimony than the water that she was the same 
that their imagination thought her so to be, so resolving with them- 
selves if either &ce or sword or halter were sufficient to make an end of 
her, one let his Carabine close to her breast, where discharging, the 
bullett back rebounded like a ball and narrowly it missed his face that 
was the shooter, this so inraged the Gentlemen that one drew out his 
sword and manfully [!] ran at her with all the force his strength had 
power to make, but it prevayled no more than did the shot, the Woman 
stni, tho' speechless, yet in a most contemptible way of scorn still 
laughing at them, which did the more exhauste their furie against her 
against her life, yet one amongst them had heerd that piercing the 
temples of the head it would prevayl against the strongest sorcery and 
quell the force of Witchcraft, which was allowyd for trial, the Woman 
hearing this knew that the Devil had left her and her power was gone, 
whereupon she began aloud to cry and roare, tearing her haire and 
making piteous moan, which in these words expressed were. And is it 
come to passe that I must dye indeed, why then his Excellencie the 
Earle of Essex shall be fortunate and win the field, after which no 


more words could be got from her, wherewitli they immediately dis- 
charged a PistoU undemeathe her eare at which she strait sunk downe 
and dyed, leaving her legacy of a detested carcasse to the wormes, her 
eoule we ought not to judge of, though the eviUs of her wicked life 
and death can scape no censure. Finis." 

rV.— The Discovery of the Coffin and Eemains of the Vault of 


St. John the Baptist in Westminster Abbey, June, 1879.* 

The only entry of this burial in the Register of Westminster Abbey 
says that tiie Earl of Essex was buried ^^ in St. John Bap. Chapel in a 
vault on the right side of the Earl of Exeter's monument, 19 Oct. 1646." 

There is also a memorandum that a certain burial took place **neare 
y« Earle of Essex." 

Probably no monument to him has ever existed, for there is no note 
of one. The memorandum of 1685, quoted above, renders it very 
probable, however, that his gravestone then existed. 

This obscurity has always been unsatisfactory; but no attempt to 
throw light on the subject has ever been made until the present year, 
when a descendant of the Devereux family proposed to Dean Stanley 
to have an examination in St. John the Baptist's Chapel. 

The existence of a vault having been inferred from the memoranda, 
it was thought there would be but little difficulty in finding it; and, 
under the order of the Dean, the search was made early in June. It 
began in the ground south of the Exeter tomb, where there was found 
the wall of the vault built by Baron Hunsdon, now partly under the 
Exeter tomb ; and southward was found the marble coffin of an Abbot 
of the fifteenth century. The south-west comer of the Chapel was 
found to be filled with coffins, laid side by side and in piles, without 
any sign of a vault. 

As regards the Earl's burial aU this labour was fruitless, and with a 
feeling of disappointment the search was hopelessly given up. 

On returning to the Chapel the next day for the purpose of closing 
all up, there was seen the angle of a lead coffin, which lay low down in 
the earth, at the extreme south-west comer of the area. It appeared 
to be a coffin of more than usual importance from the form of the 
soldering of the sheet-lead. The earth above the coffin was cellular 
and loose, and so allowed the hand to pass through towards the place 
of the coffin-plate. This was done, and a loose plate was felt and 
brought out. On partially clearing off the corrosion, the name of 
Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was seen, and the discovery was 

* From an account of the operations which led to this discoyery, prepared by 
Mr. Henry Foole, Master Mason of Westminster Abbey. Inserted with the 
courteous approviU of the Very Bev. A. P. Stanley, D.D., Dean of Westminster. 



The coffin had the appearance of being one of a mimbep of common 
burials, and without a vault; but its position at the very bottom 
induced further examination. Then it became evident that the coffin 
had been once enclosed in a beautifully wrought vault of stone, which 
had been, not many years afterwards, wholly demolished to give room 
for interments over the coffin and by the north side of it. 

The coffin lay on the original stone floor of the vault, and it seemed 
never to have been disturbed. Besides the floor, there remained a 
part of the south wall, but aU the other three walls and the arch over 
them had disappeared. 

After the disheartening abandomnent of the search on the previous 
day, the pleasure arising from its successful resumption may be 

The brass inscription-plate of the coffin was now flattened and 
attached to a small slab of marble, and laid on its place on the coffin. 

The Dean directed the coffin to be enclosed within a new vault of 
stone, utilizing what remained of the old vault, and finally, that on the 
top of the covering should be laid a slab of marble thus inscribed : — 
**This vault, shattered by later interments, was opened for the 
purpose of ascertaining the grave of the Earl of Essex, in 
June, 1879, and was then restored." 
The vault was formally and finally closed on the 19th June, in the 
presence of the Dean, Mr. Evelyn P. Shirley, of Lower Ettington, 
near Stratford-on-Avon, Mr. Kjiight Watson, secretary of the Royal 
Society of Antiquaries, and Mr. Doyne C. Bell, secretary to the 
Privy Purse. 

From the nature of the fine white Purbeck marble gravestone which 
lay over the vault of the Earl, it is thought to be his original stone, 
once engraved T\dth his inscription, and referred to in the memorandum 
of 1685. In 1710 was buried the wooden coffin which was found 
pressing on the Earl's cofiln, and then, perhaps, the vault was de- 
molished, and the Earl's inscription was smoothed out and superseded 
by that of ^'Mary Kendal." All this seemed to warrant the erasure of 
the inscription of that lady, and its renewal in smaller characters 
below the middle of the slab. 

The upper part of the marble slab is now occupied by the inscription 
and the shield of arms of the Earl's coffin-plate, of which it is a 
fac-simile, but twice-and-a-half larger. 

The vault of the Earl has been spoken of as one of excellent work. 
Its construction, shape, and finish are very much like those of the 
beautiful vault which King Henry VH. built for his Queen Elizabeth 
of York, under their magnificent tomb. 

It may be well to note here that the entry quoted in the fibrst sentence 
of this notice is erroneous The public prints of the day give the date of 
the funeral **on Monday 22nd, October," whereas the Abbey-Register 
says '* October 19." Such errors are not infrequent in that Register.* 

* On suhmitting the foregoing to Colonel Chester, the Editor of the Westminster 
Abbey Rej^isters, he does not accept Mr. Poolo s conclusion, but is inclined to 
maintain the accuracy of the entry in the Register. He points out t' at in the year 
1646 the 22nd of October did not full on Monday, but on Thursday; while the 
19th WHS really Monday, and, as the "public prints of the day" were certainly 
wrong either as to the day of the month or the week, the balance of proof is in 
f arour of the Register. 

Coffin Plate of Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 

Discovered in We*tinin»ter Ahhey, 1879. See page 65. 





Patrick Ettthven, Earl of Forth. Created an English peer with 
the title of the Earl of Brentford, 27 May, 1644; had been madeField- 
marshall by the King at Coventry, and succeeded Lord Lindsey as 
General-in-chief after the battle of Edgelull; engaged at both fights at 
Newbury; ^^an experienced commander and a man of naturall courage, 
and purely a soldier, and of a most loyall heart (which he had 
many occasions to shew, before the warr was ended, and which his 
Country-men remembred, for they used both him and his Widow with 
all extremity afterwards)." (Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 229.) 
He had seen service in Sweden under Gustavus Adolphus, in Denmark, 
Eussia, Livonia, Lithuania, Poland, and Prussia. In England alone 
the number of his wounds had equalled that of the battles in which he 
had exposed himself. At Edgelull, says Lloyd, he modelled the fight. 
He was at Brentford and Gloucester, was shot in both the fights at New- 
bury, at Cheriton, and near Banbury. He had been shot in the head, 
in both arms, the mouth, leg, and shoulder; and, as if all this had not 
been enough for his scars and his story, the catalogue was finished by 
a fall from his horse that broke his shoulder. He survived to wait 
upon Charles H. in exile ; and, returning to his native country, was 
buried in 1651 at Dundee. (Mil. Mem. of Col. Jno. Birch, Cam. Soc, 
p. 99.) 

Prince Eupert. Prince Eupert came over from Holland to the 
assistance of the King his uncle about the time of the raising of the royal 
standard at Nottingham. He possessed in a high degree that kind of 
courage which is better to attack than defend, and is less adapted to 
the land- service than that of the sea, where precipitate valour is in 
, its element. He seldom engaged but he gained the advantage, which 
he generally lost by pursuing it too far. He was better qualified to 
storm a citadel, or even mount a breach, than patiently sustain a 
siege; and would have furnished an excellent hand to a general of a 
cooler head. (Granger's Biog. Hist. v. i., p. 344.) Prince Eupert died, 
unmarried, at his house in Spring Gardens, 29 Nov., 1682, and was 
buried in Westminster Abbey. 

Sir John Byron. Sir John Byron, K.B., M.P. for the town of 
Nottingham in the reign of James I., and for the county of Notting- 
ham in that of Charles I. A faithful adherent of, and gallant officer 
under the latter Eng. Sir John commanded the corps of reserve 
at the battle of EdgehiU; and the victory of Eoundway Down, 
5 July, 1643, wherein Sir William Waller was routed, was chiefly 
owing to his skill and valour, having at the head of his regiment 
charged Sir Arthur Hasilrigg's cuirassiers, and after a sharp conflict, 
in which Sir Arthur received many wounds, compelled that impene- 
trable regiment (as Lord Clarendon writes) to fly. Sir John Byron 
having given such proofs of his courage, and his six brothers at 


that time foUowinp^ his loyal example, he was in oonsideratioii thereof 
advanced 24 October, 1613, shortly after the first engagement at 
Newliury, to the dignity of a Baron of the realm, by the title of Lord 
Byron, of Eoclidalo in tlio Co. Palatine of Lancaster, with limitation, in 
default of his own male issue, to each of his brothers. His Lordship 
married twice; but dying in 1652 issueless, the barony devolved upon 
his brother Richard. Lord Byron's letter to Clarendon, frequently 
quoted in the text, was written while in exile, and is dated "St. 
Germains, December 10, 1647." 

Lord AVilmot. Henry, 2nd Viscount Wilmot in L::)Bland, was 
created, 29 Juno 1643, Lord Wilmot of Adderbury, co. Oxon, in the 
English Peerage. Ho was further advanced to the Earldom of 
Rochester, 13 Dec. 1652, He died at Dimkirk in 1659, and W€W 
succeeded by his only surviving son, John, the better (but not so 
favourably) known Earl of Rochester. Lord Wilmot " ordered the 
horse at Newbery first Battel (being Lieutenant-General under Prince 
Rupert) in so convenient and spacious a place (Downs have been 
pitched upon as the most commodious Scene of a Horse Engagement), 
advising them by no means to be drawn into any uneven and streight 
places; with so strict an eye upon all advantages and opportunities^ 
and in such Ranks, that one Troop might be in suhsidiis assistant to 
another, and no part stand naked or fail in the singleness of its own 
strength, but that one may second another from first to last, being 
aware of Livius' Charge upon Cajus Semprontus fPugrumt ineaute 
inconaulteque non suhsidiis firmata acie non equite a^te locatoj.^^ (Lloyd's 
Memoirs, pp. 465-6.) 

Earl of Caernabvon. Robert Dormer, grandson to Robert Dormer 
created a baronet by K. James L, June 10, 1615, and Baron Dormer, 
of Wing, CO. Bucks, the 30th of the same month in the same year, 
succeeded to the Barony on the death of his grandfather in 1616, and 
was created Viscount and Earl of Caernarvon by Charles I. in 
1628. This gallant nobleman it woidd appear, like his noble compa- 
triots Sunderland and Falkland, fell in the early part of the fight. 
Clarendon states that the Earl, having charged and routed a body of the 
enemy's horse, and coming carelessly back by some scattered troopers, 
was by one of them, who knew him, run through the body with a 
sword, of which he died within an hour; and describes him as being an 
honour to the cause he embraced, and his death a sensible weakness to 
the army. In Sir Roger Mauley's * History of the Rebellion,' his death 
is thus described: — *' There was a little hill ^yq hundred paces from 
the town, which the Cavaliers had possessed and fortified with guns. 
Essex perceiving it, and having no other way to pass, he himself with 
his own regiment and that of the general's guards attacks it fiercely, 
being as bravely received by the royalists, Stapleton with his own 
regiment and that of the general's guards, charging the Earl of 
Caernarvon was repulsed, but the Earl, pursuing too far, was killed by 
a shot in [at] the head of his own men ; a person no less remarkable 
for his fortitude and fidelity to the King, than for the nobleness of his 
extraction." The context shows that Sir Roger refers to the Wash as 
the hill fortified with the King's artillery.* Lloyd, in his 'Memoirs,' 

* The traditional spot where Lord Caernarvon fall is marked on the Plan. 


From a portrait ly Vakdtke, 


gives tliis account: — "The Earl receiving Sir Philip Stapleton with 
his regiment of horse and Essex his life guard with a brisk charge and 
pursuing them to the foot, when a private hand put an end to his life, 
and in breathing out his last he asked, 'whether the King was in 
safety?' " At the battle of Lansdown, two months before Newbury, 
it is recorded that of 2000 cavalry who entered the field and fought 
valiantly under Prince Maurice and Lord Caernarvon only 600 could be 
mustered when the sun went down! Eachard gives Charles II. the 
credit of saying "Lord Caernarvon was the finest gentleman he ever 
saw.** In Defoe's * Memoirs of a Cavalier' (Colonel Andrew Newport), 
which, though woven into a romantic story, is written with apparent 
fidelity of statement, it is said: — "The Earl of Caernarvon was brought 
into an inn at Newberry, where the King came to see him. He had 
just life enough to speak to his Majesty, and died in his presence. 
The King was exceedingly concerned for him and was observed to 
shed tears at the sight. We were indeed all of us troubled at the loss 
of so brave a gentleman, but the concern our royal master discovered 
moved us more than ordinary. Every body endeavoured to have the 
King out of the room, but he would not stir from the bed-side, till he 
saw aU hopes of life gone." The body of the Earl was conveyed 
under guard to Oxford, and buried in 'the chapel of Jesus CoUege. 
While on its way, the escort, it is said, was attacked by a body of 
Parliamentary horse, and the Earl's jewels and plate were taken. 
Lord Caernarvon had married Anne Sophia, daughter of Philip Herbert, 
4th Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery (from whom the present 
Lord Carnarvon paternally descends), and left an only child Charles, 
his successor, who dying without male issue, the earldom became 
extinct, and the Barony of Dormer devolved on a distant kinsman, in 
whose posterity it remains. 

Earl of Lindsey. Montague Bertie, 2nd Earl of Lindsey, K.Q-. 
This nobleman being with his gallant father at Edgehill, when his 
Lordship received his death-wound, voluntarily surrendered himseU 
prisoner in order to be near and attend him. The Earl's second wife 
was Bridget, daughter of Edward Wray, Esq., by Lady Elizabeth 
Norreys his wife, only daughter and heir of Francis, Earl of Berkshire 
and Baron Norreys, of Rycote, and widow of Sir Edward Sackville, 
who was engaged at Newbury fight. By this Bridget the Earl had a 
son James, who became Lord Norreys in right of his mother, and was 
created Earl of Abingdon, also a daughter Mary, married to Charles 
Dormer, 2nd Earl of Caernarvon, and two other children. Lord Lindsey 
commanded the King's life-guards in several of the considerable battles 
that were fought in the course of the civil war, and was wounded in 
that of Naseby. His affectionate regard to his unhappy sovereign was 
conspicuous after the death of the latter ; he attended his body to the 
grave, and paid his last duty to him with tears. After the Restoration 
he lived in retirement with dignity, and "approved himself an example 
of a better age." He died at Campden House, Kensington, the 25th 
July, 1666. 

Eakl of Northampton. James, 3rd Earl. This nobleman, while 
a commoner, and M.P. for the co. Warwick, having voted, in 1641, 
against the bill for attainting the Earl of Strafford, his name was 
amongst those called Straffardians, in the list posted up in the Old 
Palace Yard; and subsequently, with other members, he was 


expelled the House. He was afterwards distinguished with his gallant 
father (who fell at the battle of Hopton Heath) under the royal 
banner; and his lordship, on the ma^ificent entry of Charles H. 
into the city of London, 29 May, 1660, needed a band of two hundred 
gentlemen attired in grey and l3lue. The Earl married 1st Isabella 
daughter and co-heir of Eichard, 3rd Earl of Dorset, by whom he had 
one surviving daughter, Alathea, who married Sir Edward Hunger- 
ford, Bart. On her death without issue in 1678, her great fortune 
devolved upon her cousin, John, 3rd Earl of Thanet. The Earl 
married 2ndly Mary, daughter and heir of Baptist Noel, Viscount 
Camden, by whom he had three sons and two daughters. ^ 

Earl of Nottixgiiam. Sir Charles Howard, 3rd Earl. He died 
26 April, 1681, when the Earldom of Nottingham expired. 

Eajil of Cleveland. Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Cleveland, and 
Lord Wentworth of Nettlestead, 1625. Lord Cleveland especially 
distinguished himself at the Second Battle of Newbury, where 
he was instnmiental in saving the life of the Bang. On the death 
of the Earl, 25 March, 1667, the Earldom of Cleveland became 
extinct, but his grand- daughter Henrietta Maria succeeded to the 
Barony of Wentworth. She was the only child of his only son, 
Thomas, Lord Wentworth, who served his Majesty throughout the 
war, but died before his father, and was buried at Toddington, Beds., 
7 March, 1664-5. As the Baroness Wentworth she is best remembered 
from her unhappy connection with the Duke of Monmouth. She died 
23 April, 1686, when the title reverted to her aunt, her father's only 
sister. Lady Anne, wife of John, second Lord Lovelace; and at her 
death, 7 May, 1697, it passed to her grand-daughter Martha, wife of 
Sir Henry Johnson, and at her death, in July, 1745, without issue it 
reverted to Sir Edward Noel, 6th Bart., and at his death in 1774, 
passed to his son Thomas, at whose death in 1815, it fell into abeyance, 
which terminated, 12 Nov., 1856, in favour of Lady Byron, widow of 
the Poet, whose grandson, Ealph-Gordon-Noel Milbanke, is now 
11th Baron Wentworth. 

Earl of Holland. Henry Rich, Earl of Holland, captain of the 
King's guard, and general of the horse in the expedition to Scotland, 
was much in favour with James I. In the latter end of the reign 
of James, he was sent ambassador to France, where he negotiated the 
treaty of marriage between Charles and Henrietta Maria. His hand- 
some person, gallant behaviour, and courtly address, are thought to 
have made an early impression upon the heart of that princess, of 
whom he is known to have been a distinguished favourite. His con- 
duct was so various with respect to the King and Parliament that 
neither party had the least regard for him, if they did not look upon 
hiTYi as their enemy. Lord JSoUand with the Earls of Clare and 
Bedford had left the Parliament and joined the King, shortly before 
the battle of Newbury, Col. Blagne, the governor of WaUlngford, 
receiving the converts at the castle, and forwarding them with an 
escort of honour to Oxford. The three Earls subsequently returned to 
the Parliament. Li 1648 Lord Holland once more adopted the royal 
cause; and having received from the Prince of Wales (afterwards 
Charles LL.) a commission as general, and the queen, who was in 
Paris, promising money, he joined with the Duke of Buckingham, his 
brother Lord Francis YiUiers, and a few others of high rank, in a rash 


and feeble effort for the King at Kingston-on-Thames. Being sur- 
rotmded by a superior body of the Parliament horse and foot, he fled 
with Col. Dalbier and about a hundred horse to St. Neots, where he was 
taken prisoner at an inn; he was then confined in Warwick Castle, and 
afterwards in the Tower. He was tried by the so-caUed "High Court 
of Justice," and, by the casting vote of the Speaker, sentenced to be 
executed. Lord HoUand was beheaded at Palace Yard, 9th March, 
1649, upon the same scaffold as the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Capel. 
The Duke of Buckingham managed to escape at Kingston, but his 
handsome and brave brother, the young Lord Francis Yilliers, was 
killed. He behaved with signal courage, and, after his horse had been 
shot under him, stood with his back against a tree, defending himself 
till he sunk under his wounds. The initials of his name were inscribed 
on the tree, and remained until it was cut down in 1680. The names 
**King Charles' Road" and '* Yilliers' Path" at present alone com- 
memorate the scene of this fight, which was one of the last struggles 
made for the King — ^then a prisoner in the Isle of Wight. 

Earl of Bedfokd. William, 5th Earl of Bedford, son of Francis, 
4th Earl, elected a Kjiight of the Garter, 1672; and created 11 May, 
1694, Marcxuis of Tavistock, and Duke of Bedford. His grace married 
Anne, daughter and sole heiress of Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset, by 
his too celebrated countess, Frances Howard, the divorced wife of 
Essex. ^* Francis, Earl of Bedford," says Pennant, '^ was so averse to 
the alliance, that he gave his son leave to choose a wife out of any 
family but that. Opposition usually stimulates desire: the young 
couple's affections were only increased. At length the King inter- 
posed, and sending the Duke of Lennox to urge the Earl to consent, 
the match was brought about. Somerset, now reduced to poverty, 
acted a generous part, selling his house at Chiswick, plate, jewels, and 
furniture, to raise a fortune for his daughter of £12,000, which the 
Earl of Bedford demanded, saying, that ** since her affections were 
settled, he chose rather to undo himseK, than make her unhappy." 
The lady proved worthy of the alliance. It is said that she was 
ignorant of her mother's dislionour, until informed of it by a pamphlet, 
which she accidentally found; and, it is added, she was so terribly 
struck with this knowledge of her parent's guilt, that she fell down in a 
fit, and was found senseless, with the book open before her. The duke 
had issue by this admirable woman, seven sons and three daughters, 
of whom the eldest surviving son was the celebrated William Lord 
Russell. See Burke's *' Peerage and Baronetage," mh. nom. Sir John 
RusseU, a younger brother of William, 5th Earl of Bedford, was also 
engaged in the First Battle of Newbury. 

Eabl of Clare. John Holies, second Earl, who succeeded his 
father on his death, 4 Oct., 1637. He married Elizabeth, eldest 
daughter and co-heir of Sir Horatio Yere, Lord Yere, of Tilbury. 
He lived in retirement during the Conmionwealth. Lord Clarendon 
says of him: — **he was a man of honour and courage, and would 
have been an excellent person if his heart had not been set upon keeping 
and improving his estate ; he was weary of the company he kept, and 
easily hearken' d to the Earl of Holland, in any consultation how to 
recover the King's authority, and to put an end to the war." The 
Earl died the 2nd and was buried 23rd January, 1665-6, at St. Mary's, 



John, Loed Belasyse, second son of Thomas, first Viscount Fal- 
conberg, created Baron Belasyse, of Worlaby, co. Lincoln, 27 Jan., 
1644-5. He was buried in the choir of the church of St. Giles's in the 
Fields, 14 Sept., 1689, and his loyalty to his King is perpetuated by 
the following inscription copied from the monument formerly existing in 
the old church. **This monument was erected. Anno 1670, in memory 
of the Honourable John-, Lord Belasyse, Baron Worlaby, second son of 
Thomas, Lord Viscoimt Fanconberg, his wives and children. Who, 
for his loyalty, prudence, and courage was promoted to several com- 
mands of great trust, by their Majesties Xing Charles the First and 
Second, viz.: — Having raised six regiments of horse and foot in the 
late Civil Wars, he commanded a Tertia in His Majesty's Armies at 
the Battles of Edgehill, Newbury, and Naseby, the sieges of Beading 
and Bristol. Afterward being made Governor of York, and Com- 
mander-in-chief of all His Majesty's Forces in Yorkshire, he fought 
the battle of Selby with the Lord Fairfax. Then being Lieutenant- 
General of the Counties of Lincoln, Northampton, Derby, and Rutland, 
and Governor of Newark, he valiantly defended the garrison against 
the English and Scotch Armies, till His Majesty came in Person to the 
. Scotch Quarters and commanded the surrender of it ; at which time he 
also had the honour of being of the King's Horse Guards. Li all 
which services, and during the wars and other achievements, he 
deported himself with eminent courage and conduct, and received 
many wounds, sustained three imprisonments in the Tower of London, 
and after the happy restoration of King Charles H. was made Lord 
Lieutenant of the East Riding of the County of York, Governor of 
Hull, General of BLis Majesty's Forces in Africa, Governor of Tangier, 
and Captain of His Majesty's Guard of Gentlemen-Pensioners." The 
remainder of the inscription referred to his marriages and issue. His 
third wife was Lady Ann Paulet, daughter of the Marquis of Win- 
chester. (From Maitland's *Hist. and Survey of London,' 1756, vol. ii. 
p. 1362.) This monument, which no longer exists, was possibly put 
up by Lord Belasyse in his life time, unless the date 1670, is a mis- 
reading for 1690. The former explanation is probably the correct 
one, as all the books give that date, and as the^ date of his death does 
not appear on the monument. 

George, Lobd Digby. Son and heir of John Digby, 1st Earl of 
Bristol, summoned to Parliament in his father's barony of Digby, 
Jime 9, 1641. At the Restoration he was made KJnight of the Garter, 
and died in 1 67B. The title became extinct on the death of his only 
son in 1693. 

Lord Jermyn. Henry Jermyn, created Baron Jermyn, 8 Sept., 
1643, and Earl of St. Albans 27 April, 1660. He was master of the 
horse to Queen Henrietta, and one of the Privy Council to Charles II. 
In July, 1660, he was sent Ambassador to the Court of France, and 
in 1671 he was made Lord Chamberlain of His Majesty's household. 
He died immarried, 2 January, 1683-4, when the Earldom became 
extinct, but the Barony, by limitation of the patent, devolved on his 

Lord Percy. Henry Percy, youngest son of Henry, 9th Earl of 
Northumberland, and brother of Algernon, 10th Earl. He was 
Governor of Jersey at the breaking out of the rebellion, but returned 
to England, raised a regiment of horse, and was constituted General of 


the Ordnance. He attended the King thi^ughout the whole of the 
war; and was created Baron Percy of Alnwick, 28 June, 1643. He 
afterwards followed Charles II. into exile, and was appointed Lord 
Chamberlain of his Household. Died in Paris, unmarried, in April 
1659. His brother Algernon took an active part against Charles I., 
but was entirely free from any participation in his death, and sub- 
sequently promoted the Restoration. 

Lord Chandos. Q-eorge Brydges, son of Grey, 5th Lord Chandos, 
by Lady Ann Stanley, daughter and co-heir of Ferdinando, 5th Earl 
of Derby, succeeded as 6th Lord Chandos, on the death of his father, 
10 Aug., 1621, being then only a year old. He died at his house near 
Covent Q-arden (on the site of the present Chandos Street) 1 February, 
1654-5, and was buried with his ancestors in the chapel of Sudeley. 
Leaving no male issue, the title passed to his brother William. ^^His 
Castle, at Sudeley near Winchcomb in Gloucestershire," says Lloyd, 
"being besieged by Massiey with 300 musqtteteers and three companies 
of dragonSf and two sahers, after a long siege, several assaults and 
batteries, when they were almost smoothered by the smoke of hay and 
bams burned about the house, yielded Jan, 1642. A loss revenged 
by my Lord at Newbwry^ Sept. 20, 1643, when with the Earls of 
Caernarvon and Northampton, the true Heir of his father's valor, com- 
manding His Majesties' Horse there, the King said. Let ^Chandois 
alone, his errors are safe.* " Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 366. It is related by 
the Rev. Alex. Jacob, chaplain to Henry, second Duke of Chandos, in 
his * Complete English Peerage' that Charles I. was so sensible of the 
advantages that had accrued to his army during this battle by the 
example exhibited by Lord Chandos, as well as the personal service 
performed by this nobleman, that he offered to create him ^arl of 
Newhwry; but his lordship, who had espoused the King's cause from 
motives of honour and justice, refused that distinction till he should 
have deserved it more by having a principal share in the re- establish- 
ment of His Majesty upon the throne. Lord Chandos was immedi- 
ately descended from Richard Brydges, of West Shefford, near New- 
bury, who was made a K.B. at the coronation of Queen Mary, and 
married Jane, daughter of Sir William Spencer, of Wormleighton, 
ancestor to the Duke of Marlborough and Earl Spencer. He died at 
the Manor house, West Shefford, in 1548. James, the first Duke of 
Chandos, purchased the Shaw Estate of the representatives of the 
Dolman f ainily, and frequently resided at Shaw House, which figures 
so conspicuouBly in connection with the Second Battle of Newbury. 
His second duchess, but third wife, Lydia Catherine, died at Shaw 
House in 1750, and Hes buried in Shaw Church. 

LoBD MoiiYNETJX. Richard, 2nd Viscount, succeeded to the title on 
the death of his father in 1632. He actively supported the interests 
of Charles I., and with his brother CarlyU raised two regiments of 
horse and foot, with which they served during the course of the war. 
Lord Molineux was in the battle of Worcester. He died soon 
afterwards, leaving no issue by his wife Lady Frances Seymour, 
eldest daughter of William, Marquis of Hertford, and the honours 
devolved upon his brother Oarlyll, 8rd Viscount, who was outlawed 
by Parliament for his exertions on behalf of the Charleses. The 
Viseountcy of Molyneux is notv held with the Earldom of Sefton. 

Hon. Henky !^btie. Son of the 1st Earl of Lkidseyr aa^ bTotlier 



to Montagu, 2iid Earl, wlio was also engaged at Newbury. Tliis 
gallant young nobleman fell in the early part of the figbt, and bis 
body, like that of bis comrade Falkland, was not found till next day. 
He is mentioned in a letter written by Prince Eupert to tbe Earl of 
Essex, printed further on (see Falkland). 

Sir Charles Ltjcas. Son of Thomas Lucas, Esq., next brother to 
John, who was afterwards the first Baron Lucas, of Shenfield, co. 
Essex. His family was one of the most distinguished in the kingdom 
for its valour and its sufferings in the royal cause. *^He carryed 2000 
horse to assist His Majesty, with whom we finde him eminent both for 
his directions and execution about the hill near Newhery and Enhorne 
Seathy which he maintained with one regiment well disposed and 
lined with musqueteers, and a drake, with small shot against the gross 
of Essex his army, the leading-man of which he pistoUed himself in 
the head of his troop, giving close fire himself, and commanding others 
to do the like." Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 475. Sir Charles was at the 
head of those loyalists, who, in 1648, shut themselves up in Colchester, 
and defended it against the army of Fairfax for three months. 
When the garrison yielded to the enemy, their ammunition was 
reduced to a barrel and a haK of powder; and their provisions to 
two horses and one dog. Sir Charles Lucas met with cruel treat- 
ment for his resolute defence of this place. He, and his friend 
Sir George Lisle, were ordered to be shot to death the same day on 
which the Parliament army entered the town. He begged a day's 
respite to prepare for death, but his request was refused, and he was 
executed August 28th, 1648. He died with the courage of a soldier 
and a christian. His faithful servant, who was a sorrowful spectator of 
his death, with great earnestness begged the executioner of his master 
to dispatch him also, as his life was become ^'his torment." The bodies 
of the two friends, Lucas and Lisle, were interred in a vault in the 
north-aisle of St. Giles's Church, Colchester. At the Bestoration a 
large flat marble slab was laid over their grave, at the expense of 
Lord Lucas, with the following inscription: — *' Under this marble lie 
the bodies of the two most valiant cavaliers Sir Charles Lucas and Sir 
George Lisle, knights, who, for their eminent loyalty to their Sovereign, 
were, on the 28th August, 1648, by command of Sir Thomas Fairfax 
(the General of the Parliament Army) in cold blood barbarously 
murdered." In Lord de Grey's ^Memoir of Sir Charles Lucas,' a 
tradition is related that George Yilliers, Duke of Buckingham, who 
married Fairfax's only daughter, applied to Charles II. to have this 
inscription erased. The King mentioned it to Lord Lucas (the brother 
of Sir Charles), who said that he would obey his Majesty's commands, 
if his Majesty would allow the following to be substituted: **Sir 
Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle were barbarously murdered for 
their loyalty to King Charles the First, and King Charles the Second 
ordered the memorial of their loyalty to be erased." Thereupon the 
King ordered the inscription to be cut more deeply than before. 
Whitelock, in a few words, expresses the grief of heart the King 
suffered for the catastrophe of his two brave soldiers. He says, ** At 
the sight of a gentleman in deep mourning for Sir Charles Lucas, the 
King wept." ('Memorials,' p. 330.) 

Sib George Lisle. Son of Cave Lisle, of Compton Darvill, co. 
Somerset^ had his military education in the Netherlands. He signal- 


ized himself upon many occasions in the Civil Wars; particularly at the 
last battle of Newbury, where, in the dusk of the evening, he led his 
men to the charge in his shirt, that his person might be more conspi- 
cuous. The King who was an eye-witness of his bravery, knighted 
him on the field of battle. In 1648 he rose for his Majesty in Essex, 
and was one of the royalists who so obstinately defended Colchester, 
and who died for their defence of it. This brave man having tenderly 
embraced the corpse of Sir Charles Lucas, his departed friend, 
immediately presented himself to the soldiers, who were ready for his 
execution. Thinking that they stood at too great a distance, he 
desired them to come nearer: one of them said '*I warrant you, sir, 
we shall hit you;" he replied, with a smile, ** Friends, I have been 
nearer you, when you have missed me." Executed August 28, 1648. 
Sir G-eorge conmianded the ** forlorn hope" of foot in the first battle 
of Newbury. 

Sir Edward Waldegrave. Son of Sir Edward Waldegrave, Bart., 
of Staninghall, Norfolk. He died at O^ord, and was buried at St. 
Mary's Church in that city, 8 Dec, 1644. 

Sir Bernard Brocas. Of Beaurepaire, near Sherborne St. John, 
Hants. He was probably the son of Thomas Brocas (son of Sir 
PexsaU Brocas) by Elizabeth, daughter of Bobert Wingfield, of Upton, 
CO. Northampton, as no other of the name is mentioned in the pedigrees 
of the family at this period. 

Sir Lewis Kirke. Second son of Q-ervase Kirke, gent,, Merchant 
of London, and of Dieppe, in France, and of Greenhill, in the parish 
of Norton, co. Derby, by Elizabeth, daughter of John Gowding (or 
Goudon) of Dieppe. He was born about 1 600, and commanded one of 
the ships in the expedition to Newfoundland and Canada in 1626, 
under the chief command of his elder brother. Captain (afterwards 
Sir) David Kirke. He afterwards joined the Royal cause, and became 
a distinguished cavalier. He was knighted at Oxford, 23 April, 1643, 
and was subsequently Governor of Bridgnorth; at his death he was one 
of the Band of G-entleman -Pensioners. He survived the Restoration ; 
and his Will, in which he described himseK as of the Savoy Parish, 
CO. Middlesex, dated 21 August 1663, was proved 7 October following, 
in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, by his brother and nephew, 
both named John Kirke, father and son, to whom he left the reversion 
of his estate after the death of his wife. His widow. Dame Elizabeth, 
by whom he left no issue, did not long survive him, as she was buried 
at St. Giles' in the Fields, 20 Dec, 1663. Her maiden name was 
Haines, but she was a widow when she married Sir Lewis Kirke, and 
ber first husband's name has not been ascertained. (Communicated 
by Col. Chester, LL.D.) 

Sir Henry Slingsby. Second but eldest surviving son of Sir 
Henry Slingsby of KJnaresborough, co. York, Knight, and Dame 
Frances his wife, daughter of William Yavasour, of Weston in the 
same coimty. He was bom 14 Jan. 1601, married 7 July, 1631, 
Barbara, daughter of Thomas Belasyse, first Yiscount Falconberg, and 
in 1638 was created a Baronet of Nova Scotia. He raised 600 horse 
and foot at his own expense and marched at the head of them 
into the field to assist the King. He was in action throughout 
the Civil War; and, after the death of Charles was ever solicitous 
for the restoration of his son. He was long a prisoner at HuU^ 


and was tried foir contracting with some officers to deliver up one 
of the block-houses in that garrison for the service of Charles II. 
Cromwell, who was informed that the Boyalists throughout the 
kingdom were intent upon a scheme to restore the King, was resolved 
to intimidate that party by sacriGxjing Sir Henry Slingsby and 
I^. Hewit. They were brought before the High Court of Justice 
where Lisle presided ; they denied the jurisdiction of the Court, but 
were condemned without any ceremony. Sir Henry Slingsby was a 
man of deeds rather than words. He said very little upon his trial, and 
as little upon the scaffold. He persisted in his loyalty and told the 
people that he died for being an honest man. Beheaded June 8, 1658. 
After his execution, the authorities permitted his remains to be 
removed by his friends, and they were buried in the Slingsby Chapel 
in Klnaresborough Church. (See ^ Diary of Sir Henry Slingsby,' 
edited by Rev. Daniel Parsons, London, 1836.) 

Sib William Yavasoue. Son of Sir Thomas Vavasour, of Hasle- 
wood in the county of York. Commander-in-chief of the Gloucester- 
shire forces, engaged at Marstpn Moor, 1644, where his brother 
Thomas was slain. Bein^ disgusted with the miscarriage of that 
great battle, he left the King's service and went over to Hamburgh. 
Afterwards he joined the Swedish service, and was killed under the 
walls of Copenhagen, 1658 or 1659. 

Sir Thomas Aston. Was created a Baronet by King Charles I., 
25th July, 1628, and was subsequently in the Civil Wars a zealous 
fiiupporter of the Royal cause. He died at StadBEord from wounds 
received in the King's service, 24th May, 1645. 

Sm Anthony Mansel, Governor of Cardiff, son of Sir iFrancis 
Mansel^ Bart,, of Trimsaren, co. Caermarthen. 

Sm Edward Stradling. Of St. Donat's, Glamorganshire. This 
gentleman, who, like his father and uncles, was a zealous royalist, 
brought a troop of horse to the assistance of the King at Newbury, 
and after the loss of that day, retired to Oxford, where he died of 
qpnsumption. Burke's * Extinct Baronetage.' 

Sib Michael Wodk^ouse. Governor of Ludlow. He had been 
sometime page to, the Marquis of HLamilton, had served in Ireland; 
whence returning early in 1643, he was preferred to be Sergeant- 
Major-General of the army of Prince Charles, and to the command of 
his life-guards. Webb's Civil War in Herefordshire, vol. i, p. 387. 

Sm Jacob Astlby. This stout old commander, more especially 
referred to in the account of the Second Battle, was father of Sir 
Bernard Astley. He served in the Netherlands under Prince Maurice 
Qnd his brother Henry, and afterwards under Christian lY. King of 
Denmark and Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden. He was wounded 
before Gloucester; and, for his signal services, he was created Baron of 
Beading, 20, Car. I. The title became extinct on the death of his 
grandson Jacob. 

Sir John Feechville. For the services rendered by Sir John 
FrechviUe to the royal cause, and on his petition to l5ie King, a 
warraut was signed by Charles t. at Oxford, 25th March, 1644, for 
his creation as a peer by the style of Lord FrechviUe, of Staveley, 
Musard, and Fitzi-Ealph. The preamble of the patent takes notice of 
ifee loyalty of the, said Sir Jolm I^rechviUe, and his eminent services 
^^st.tho,** rebels," a;t,Kin0ioUr,BrentfQrd| Marlborough, Newbury, 

APPfiNDlX. 77 

and maoiy otJbker placos, where he had received seyeral wounds. 
Christian Prechville, daughter to John, Lord Frechville, married 
Charles, Lord St. John, eldest son to John, Marquis of Winchester 
and Earl of Wiltshire, 28 Feb., 1651, and departed this life 22 July,. 
1653, dying in childbed, The following lines in the hand- writing 
of Sir John Frechville were taken out of a Bible formerly in, 
his possession : — 

'^Mownt, mownt my soul, adiewe vaine world, adiewe, 

With all thy wealth, thy pleasure, and renowne ; 
What heights, what sweets, what glories doe I view, 
Heaven, my sweet Jesus, an immortal crowne!" 
under which was written : 

^'Ye misero patri superstiti" — 
which may be translated; — 

*^ Woe to the unhappy father who survives [his children]." 

Sir John Hurry, frequently styled ^^Urry" and ^^Hurrey," but 
always ** Hurry" in his own signatures, was a Scotchman, who had 
previously served in Germany under Lord Forth. Col. Hurry deserted 
from the Parliamentary Army and rode up to the King shortly before 
the battle of Chalgrove-field, and gave flie information which led to 
the successful attack on the Parliament's troops on that occasion, and 
to the death of Hampden, in which affair Hurry signally dis- 
tinguished himself, and was allowed to convey the news to Oxford: 
for this he was knighted by the King, Col. Hurry's colours were 
azure or deep blue, with the Thistle of Scotland, as usually repre- 
sented, leaved, &c., of gold, flowered, proper, around which in letters of 
gold, ">J4 NEMO ME IMPUNE LACESSIT;" fringe argent and azure. 
The motto is that of the Order of St. Andrew, to whose badge, 
The ThistUy it has reference. 

Maj.-Gen. George Porter. *^ Loyal bloud like SarvieSy went round 
the Porters from the highest to the meanest, 26 of the name having 
eminently suffered for his Majesty." Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 657. 

Col. St. John. Edward, third son of Sir John St. John, of Lydiard 
Tregoze, co. Wilts. Nephew of Sir Oliver St. John, Yiscount Grandison. 
Sir John had three sons killed in the King's service, viz. — ^William his 
second son under Prince Pupert at the taking of Cirencester, Edward 
above mentioned at Newbury, and John his fith son in the North. 

Col. Edward Yilliers. Youngest son of Sir Edward Yilliers, kt., 
by Barbara, eldest daughter of Sir John St. John, of Lydiard Tregoze, 
CO. Wilts, kt., and yoimger brother of the Yiscoimt Grandison. He 
was knighted 7 April, 1 680, and the following year, became Knight- 
Marshall of the Royal Household. He died in 1689, and was buried 
in Westminster Abbey, July 2. See * Westminster Abbey Begisters,' 
edited by Col. J. L. Chester, L.L.D., p. 223. 

Col. WLtx. Legge. Son of Edward Legge, vice-president of Munster. 
He eminently distinguished himself by his faithful attachment to the 
King and his son Charles IE. He was engaged in both battles of 
Newbury, and it is said, that the night after the first action. Col. Legge 
being in attendance on the King in his bed-chamber, his Majesty 
presented him with a hanger (a short curved sword) with agate 
handle set in gold, which he had that day worn, and would have 
knighted him with it, had he consented. The hanger was kept 
in Col. Legge's family till the house, at Blackheath was robbed in 


1693. Col. Legge died in 1672 at his house in the Minories, London, 
granted him by Charles II., and was buried with great pomp in 
the adjoining Church of the Holy Trinity. He was the direct 
ancestor of the Earls of Dartmouth. 

Colonel Daxiel O'Neill. Lieutenant-Colonel of Prince Rupert's 
regiment of horse ; afterwards Groom of the Bedchamber to the King. 
**The Honourable Col. Oueal, the onely Protestant of his family; its 
a question whether gaining more honor by his hard service about 
Gloucester y and in both the Newherries with King Charles the First, or 
by his assiduous Negotiations and Messages posting from place to 
place (in Holland^ where he was wame-d to the Countess of Chesterfield^ 
in France, where he was welcome to the best Cavaliers, and Germany) 
for King Charles the Second, especially in the various Occasions, 
Opportunities, and Pevolutions, 1659, at Fontaralia, Scotland, Flanders, 
Fngland, &c., that made way for his Majesties' Restoration, who let 
him to farm the Post Office. He died 1664. Its more to be called an 
Oneal, than an Emperor in Ireland^ Lloyd's Memoirs, pp. 664-5. 

Colonel Morgan, of Weston in Lancashire, who raised a troop of 
horse for the King at his own charge : his estate was seized by the 
Parliament and bestowed on the son of *King Pym.' 

Colonel Thomas Eure. The evidence as to the identity of this 
officer is conflicting, but, he appears to have been the son of William, 
6th Lord Eure. 

CoL. Richard Platt. Among the State Papers, Dom. Series, 
Yol. Ixxxiii. Pub. Record Off., is a petition from Veronica, widow of 
Col. Richard Platt, to King Charles 11. for a portion of the sum 
allotted for such sufferers. Her husband, she says, spent a fair estate 
in raising troops for the late King, and was slain at the First Battle of 
Newbury, and she, a Yenetian, is left in great necessity. Shortly 
after, a warrant authorises £100 to be paid the said Yeronica Platt 
out of the Privy Seal Dormant. 

There is also a petition, in the same series, from the widow of an 
artilleryman named Clarke, whom she describes as *' gunner to the 
late King," and states he was slain at Newbury battle, that herseK 
and children had been turned naked out of doors at Weymouth during 
the Protectorate, whipped out of the town, and her goods worth £300 
taken by Col. Sydenham. Mrs. Clarke appears to have found a 
second martial husband, who, she mentions, **has been a prisoner 
amongst the Turks," and prays a Tidesman's place for him in the 
Custom House, and some reparation for her losses and sufferings. 

Colonel Charles Gterard. Son of Sir Charles Gerard, knt. of 
HalsaU, co. Lancaster. He had been brought up from his youth in 
the profession of arms upon the usual scene of European warfare, the 
Netherlands; and joined His Majesty King Charles I. at Shrewsbury soon 
after he had raised the royal standard, and became eminently distin- 
guished among the Cavaliers : — first, at Klneton or Edgehill, where he 
received some dangerous wounds, and soon after at the taking of 
Lichfield, the First Battle of Newbury, and the relief of Newark. 
General Gerard then accompanied Prince Rupert into Wales and 
acquired high reputation by his victories at Cardiff, Kadwelly, and 
Csermarthen, and for his success in taking the Castle of Cardigan and 
other fortresses, and reducing the strong garrison of Haverfordwest, 
with the Castles of Picton and Carew. In consequence of such gallant 


services, he was made by tlie Eing Lieutenant-General of liis horse, 
and elevated to the peerage as Baron Gerard,* of Brandon, 8 Oct. 
1645. His Lordship after the Restoration was created 21 July, 1679, 
Yiscount Brandon and Earl of Macclesfield; but in the time of 
James II. he was committed, with the Earl of Stamford and Lord 
Delamere, to the Tower and condenmed to death, but pardoned. He 
lived to see the Revolution, and in fact to witness, says Banks, ^Hhree 
singular occurrences in the annals of English history (he might have 
characterised them as the three most singular), 1st, the deposition and 
decapitation of King Charles I.; 2ndly, the Restoration of his son; 
and 3rdly, the Revolution and total expulsion of the royal family so 
recently restored." Besides his Lordship, there were of his family the 
following persons actively engaged upon the royal side in these 
unhappy conflicts : 

i Edward Gerard, a Col. of foot, wounded in the first 

His Brothers < battle of Newbury. 

( Sir Gilbert Gerard, slain near Ludlow. 

TT- TT 1 ( Sir Gilbert Gerard, governor of Worcester. 

( Ratcliffe Gerard, Lt.-Col. to his brother. 
This gentleman had three sons, 

Ratcliffe. \ All in the 

John, put to death by Cromwell. > battle of 
Gilbert created a baronet. ) Kineton. 

(Burke's Dormant and Extinct Peerage, pp. 229, 30.) Charles, Earl of 
Macclesfield died 9 Jan. 1693-4, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. 

Captain Thomas Bagehot. At the Restoration Captain Bagehot 
applied for re-admission to the place of Groom of the King's Chamber 
in ordinary, which he held under the late King; and recounts his 
services at Newbury. (State Papers, Dom. Series, vol. xxii.) 

Captain Basil Woodd. Son of Basil Woodd, LL.D., Chancellor of 
St. Asaph and Rochester, and High Commissioner. In a petition 
presented by Capt. Woodd, at the Restoration, he states: — **I have 
received several shots in my head, and one in my arm, which troubles 
niee many times. Several horses were shott under mee, one at- 
Round- way-down, anotjier at Newbury fight." Two other sons of Dr. 
Woodd served the King, one of whom fell at Preston; a daughter 
married the brave Col. Bowles who was killed in Alton Church, 1643. 
Basil Thomas Woodd, M.P., Con^mgham Hall, KJnaresborough, 
great-great-great grandson of Dr. Basil Woodd, has in his possession 
the Star of the Mantle of the Order of the Garter, traditionally held as 
the parting memorial given to Capt. Basil Woodd by Charles I. on 
the morning of his execution. 

Captain Clifton. Francis Clifton, son of Sir Cuthbert Clifton, of 
Westby, Lancashire. 

Captain Newman. See note, p. 16. 

• His Lordship was first created Earl of Newberry ^ but the title was changed to 
Macclesfield. [Col. Chester, LL D., the editor of the * Westminster Abbey Re- 
gi8t9rs/ sa3'S that he cannot find any authority for this statement made in *fiurko s 
Extinct Peerage/ Charles Fitzroy, natural son of Charles II, by the Duchess of 
Cleveland, was created Baron of Newbury, Duke of Southampton, &c. in 1675, four 
years before, and it does not seem likely that the title should have been duplicated. 
It is quite possible, however, that "Earl of Newbury*' was the title first selected, and 
the alteration made before the patent passed the Great Seal.] 


Captain Gwynwe. Was a retainer in the liotisehold of Charles I. 
before the commencement of the Civil War, and employed in training 
the children of that unfortimate monarch to military exercises. He 
naturally engaged in the royal service, and seems to have distinguished 
himself by his personal courage and activity. After the execution of 
the King, he followed the banner of his son (Charles II.) in the most 
difficult enterprises in which it was displayed. Gwynne was with 
Montrose in his last unhappy attempt. He afterwards served imder 
the Duke of York in the fight before Dimkirk and other actions in 
Flanders. At the restoration he appears to have experienced his share 
of neglect with which Charles II. treated the old cavaliers. 

Henby Spencer. First Earl of Simderland, son of William 2nd 
Lord Spencer, of Wormleighton, by Penelope, eldest daughter of 
Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, was bom in 1620. After a 
few days* visit at Oxford, Lord Sunderland joined the army as it was 
on the point of engaging at Newbury. The Earl having no com- 
mand in the army attended upon the King's person under the obligation 
of honour, bringing, according to Lloyd, £15,000 and 1,200 men to 
his Majesty. He married the beautiful Lady Dorothea, daughter of the 
Earl of Leicester, by whom he had one son Robert, his successor, lineal 
ancestor to the Duke of Marlborough and Earl Spencer, and one 
daughter Dorothy, married to Sir George Savile, Bart., afterwards 
created Marquis of Halifax. The following letter was written by 
Lord Sunderland to his wife Lady Dorothea (Waller's Sacharissa) a few 
days before the battle of Newbury, in which he was killed: — ''Since I 
wrote to you last from Sudley, we had some hopes one day to fight 
with my Lord Essex's army, we receiving certain intelligence of his 
being in a field convenient enough, called Ripple Field, towards which 
we advanced with all possible speed; upon which he retired with the 
body of his army to Tewkesbury, where, by the advantage of the 
bridge, he was able to make good his quarter, with 500 men, against 
20,000. So that though we were at so near a distance as we could 
have been with him in two hours : his quarter being so strong, it was 
resolved on Thursday, that we seeing for the present he would not 
fight with us, we should endeavour to force him to it by cutting off his 
provisions; for which purpose, the best way was for the body of our 
fl-iT^y to go back to Evesholme, and for our horse to distress him : 
upon which I, and many others, resolved to come for a few days 
hither, there being no probability of fighting very suddenly, where we 
arrived late on Thursday night. As soon as I came, I went to your 
father's, where I found Alibone, with whose face I was better pleased 
than with any of the ladies here. This expression is so much a bolder 
thing than charging my Lord Essex, that should this letter miscarry 
and come to the Imowledge of our dames, I should, by having my 
eyes scratched out, be cleared from coming away from the army for 
fear: where if I had stayed, it is odds I should not have lost more 
than one. Last night very good news came to Court, that we, yester- 
day morning, fell upon a horse quarter of the enemies, and cut off a 
regiment, and that my Lord of Newcastle hath killed, and taken 
TOisoners, two whole regiments of horse and foot that issued out of 
Hull; which place he hath great hopes to take ere long. By the same 
messenger, last night, the King sent the Queen word that he would 
come hither on Monday or Tuesday; upon one of which days, if he 


alter his resolutions, I shall not fail to return to the army. I am 
afraid our sitting down before Gloucester has hindered us from making 
an end of the war this year which nothing could keep us from doing 2 
we had a month's more time which we lost there, for we never were in 
a more prosperous condition. Before I go hence, I hope some body 
will come from you, howsoever, I shall have a letter here for you. I 
have taken the best care I can about my economical affairs; I am 
afraid I shall not be able to get you a better house, every body think- 
ing me mad for speaking about it. Pray, bless Popet for me and tell 
her, I would have writ to her but that upon mature deliberation I 
found it to be uncivil to return an answer to a lady in another 
character than her own which I am not yet learned enough to do. 
I cannot by walking about my chamber call anything more to mind 
to set down here and really I have made you no small compliment in 
writing thus much for I have so great a cold that I do nothing but 
sneeze and mine eyes do nothing but water all the while I am in this 
posture of hanging down my head. I beseech you to present his 
service to my lady who is most passionately and perfectly yours." 
They never met again! The day after the battle, the body of the 
Earl was removed from Newbury, and subsequently interred in the 
family burial-place at Brington, Northamptonshire. 

Lord Falkland. Lucius Gary, Viscount Falkland, bom at 
Burford, about 1610. He was the eldest son of Sir Henry Gary, of 
Berkhampstead and Aldenham in Herts, and of Elizabeth, daughter 
and sole heiress of Sir Laurence Tanfield, Ghief Baron of the 
Exchequer,* Sir Henry was raised to the peerage of Scotland, 
November 10, 1620, by the title of Yiscount Falkland, and died in 
September, 1633, when his son Lucius inherited his title and 
estates. Lord Falkland's reputation for talents, genius, and general 
literature, by which he was distinguished, may be inferred from several 
addresses made to him on the occasion of his leaving England in the 
expedition against the Scots in 1639 with the Earl of Holland, 
particularly by the poets Waller, Cowley, Ben Jonson, and Suckling, 
neither of whom would have dared to satirize a man of his character 
by vain adulation and false praise. Cowley's poem commences with 
these lines: — 

/* Great is thy charge, North; be wise and just; 

England commits her Falkland to thy trust, 

Ketum him safe ; learning would rather choose 

Her Bodley or her Vatican to lose. 

All things that are but writ or printed there, 

In his unboimded breast engraven are; 

There all the sciences together meet, 

And every art does all his kindred greet." 

• In Burford Church is a stately monument to Sir Laurence Tanfield and his 
lady, with their effigies at full length in the habit of the period ; and at their feet 
Lord Falkland their grandson, who fell at Newbury, is represented in armour, 
kneeb'ng, with his back towards them ; and his helmet was formerly suspended over 
the tomb. (See Gentleman's Mag. Izi. p. 896. The tour of the Captaine, 
Lieutenant and Ancient, Lansdown MS. No, 213.) It is said that when the £arl 
of Essex and his troops lay in Burford Church, June 6th, 1644, they took down 
the pennons and flags over Tanfield's monument and wore them for scarves. The 
Manor of Burford was sold by Lord Falkland to Speaker Lenthall in 1634. 


And in Waller, we find tliis passage: — 

"Ah ! noble friend ! with what impatience all 
That know thy worth, and know how prodigal 
Of thy great soul thou art (longing to twist 
Bays with that ivy which so early kiss'd 
Thy youthful temples), with what horror we 
Think on the blind events of war and thee! 
To fate exposing that all-knowing breast 
Among the throng as cheaply as the rest." 
He was chosen Member of Parliament for Newport, April 1640, and 
again in November of the same year. He distinguished himself by 
his speeches in Parliament on the subject of ship-money, episcopacy, 
&c. In January, 1641-2, Lord Falklaiid was sworn of the Privy 
Council, and became one of the principal Secretaries of State. He 
followed the King to York, and supported the Royal cause by his pen 
and his sword till his death. He fought at the battle of Edgehill, and 
attended the King at the siege of Gloucester. At the First Battle of 
Newbury, he served in the first rank of Lord Byron's regiment, and 
whilst charging the enemy he received a musket shot in the stomach, 
and fell dead from his horse. The body of Lord Falkland was not 
found till the day after the battle, when it was discovered, says 
'Aubrey' ^'stript, trod upon, and mangled and could only be identified 
by one who waited upon him in his chamber, by a certain mole his 
Lordship had upon his neck." The same morning a letter had been 
sent to Essex by Rupert as follows: — 

"We desire to know from the Earl of Essex, whether he have the 
Viscoimt Falkland, Capt. Burtue [Heniy Bertie, brother to the 
Earl of Lindsey], and Sergt. Major Wilshire* prisoners, or 
whether he have their dead bodies, and if he have, that liberty 
may be granted to their servants to fetch them away. 

Given under my hand at Newbury this 21 Sept. 1643, 

The body of Falkland having been recovered, it was placed across the 
back of one of the royal chargers, and mournfully escorted down the 
hill by a detachment of the King's own troop, and gently laid in the 
Town HaU. The following morning the corpse was removed to Oxford, 
thence next day to Great Tew, and interred the following day in the 
chancel of the parish church of St. Michael, as the register thus 
records: — 

*<The 23rd day of September, a.d. 1643, the 

Right Honourable Sir Ltjctcts Gary, Kotght, 

Lord Viscount of Falkland, 

AND Lord of the Manor of Great Tew, 


No monument marks the spot, for fear, it is thought, of desecration 
during the Commonwealth. It mujst however have been known, as his 
wife and sons were buried at his side. Lady Lettice was buried at 
Great Tew, Feb. 27, 1646, leaving behind her a high reputation for 
virtue and piety. 

• There were three or more Wilshires, Wilsheers, or Wiltshires, engaged in the 
Cvnl War, and it is difficult to determine the identity of the *< Sergt. -Major 
WUfihire," mentioned in Prince Rupert's letter. 


Anotlier version, however, of the temporary disposal of the body of 
Falkland and the other Lords killed at Newbury is furnished by a 
MS. in the possession of F. D. Hibbert, Esq., of ChaKont House, 
Gerrard's Cross, entitled "John Saunders, His Book, 1712. The 
account of my travels with my Mistress." * From this the following 
is an extract: — *^ Augt. ye 1. She went in ye Alesbury coach, and I on 
ye outside, we din'd at y« Crown at Uxbridg, and went that night to 
Sr Bichard HoKord's house in Lincoln's Lam Fields, whar we ware 
welcomely received, but found my Lady in aweful condiscion. We 
stayed there till y© 1 1 of August, then my Mrs. went with S^ Richd. 
and Lady in their coach, and I on ye outside for Avebury, we sat out 
on Tuesday, and din'd that day at Mr. Bolding's at ye Crown at Slow, 
one mile from Winsor, I saw ye Castle as I past ye road. I lay that 
night at ye Bare, at Beading, which is a large town, and four churches 
in it, it is a good place for trade, ye river of Thames comes to it, it is 
, . . . miles from Slow. Ye 12 we din'd at Mr. Phillips at ye Bare in 
Spintimlands, in Nuberry parish, whare was y« great fight in ye sivil 
wars, four noble Dukes fLords] thare killed and carried into that very 
house where I dined, it is ... . miles from Beading. As I first [cam^ 
near Nuberry I see ye fields where many brave English men weare killed, 
and much blood was spilt there." This statement does not interfere 
with the accuracy of the tradition already referred to ; for it is more 
than probable that the bodies of aU the more important personages 
who fell during the battle were first received at the Town Hall for 
identification, and as a temporary measure, and were then individually 
transferred to other places previous to their final interment, or trans- 
mission to the places selected for that purpose. Falkland's body may 
well have been brought first to the official centre of the town, and 
then have been moved to the Bear Lan on the Oxford Boad, where it 
was placed in a shell or coffin and prepared for its final removal. 

It is not difficult to fix the position of the Bear Lin, and Mr. John 
Tanner's evidence on the point is amply sufficient to establish the fact. 
In a letter received from him, he states, *'I have referred to the 
papers I wished to see and I find that my impression is correct, 
namely that the premises now occupied by Mr. Adnams, Mrs. Fidler, 
and Mr. Hunt (on both sides of the gateway) were the Bear Inn." 
These buildings are situated on the right hand side of London 
and Bath road at Speenhamland. Mr. Tanner then goes on to say, 
**In a deed dated 29th September, 1757, the premises now in the 
occupation of Messrs. Forster and Abel (which were then known as 
the Elephant Inn) are described as adjoining to the Chequers Inn on 
the West, and the two messuages or tenements /"formerly the Bear Inn J 
on the East. These two messuages or tenements were in 1757 in the 
occupation of John Awbrey and Francis Sheppard, who were, I think, 
brewers. From Mr. Sheppard they have come down to Mr. E. J. 
Alderman the present owner. 

''It is not many years since in making some alterations in the garden 
at the back, some skeletons and, I believe, cannon balls were dug up. 
I heard many years since that the Bear Inn was shut up for some time, 

* Sarah, youngest daughter of Samuel Trotman, Esq., of Siston Court, Glou- 
cestershire, and Bucknell, Ozon, died in 1684, the wife of the Rev. Dr. Hiokes, 
rector of Whimple, Dorsetshire. 


and probably never again opened as an Inn, in consequence of a murder 
supposed to have been committed, if I remember right in some alter- 
cation between the mistress and her cook ; one or the other of them 
was thrown down stairs and killed." 

Dr. Pordage, rector of Bradfield, a celebrated enthusiast, placed by 
Baxter at the head of the Behmenists, was tried at the Bear Inn, 
Speenhamland, in 1654, before the Commissioners of Berks, appointed 
by an Ordinance of the Lord Protector Cromwell and his council for 
ejecting ** Scandalous, Ignorant, and Insufficient Ministers.'' The 
Commissioners at the first sitting consisted of Mr. Fettyplace, chair- 
man, Mr. Samuel Wightwick, Mr. Samuel Dimch, Major Fincher, 
Major Allin, Mr. Evelyn, Mr. Angell Bell, Mr. Mills, Mr. Cox, and 
Mr. Stroude, with Mr. Woodbridgo, rector of Newbury, Mr. Christo- 

5 her Powler, vicar of St Mary's, Eeading, Mr. Hughes, Mr. John 
ickell, of Abingdon, and other ministers as assistants. The Commis- 
sioners sat at the Bear Inn, Speenhamland, on Oct. 5th, Oct. 1 9th, and 
Nov. 2nd, 1654, and at the Bear Inn, Eeading, on Nov. 22nd. and 
Dec. 7th. Sentence of ejectment was pronounced the day following 
the last sitting. The case is given in extenso in State Trials, vol. ii. 
pp. 217, 259. 

The night previous to the battle. Lord Falkland slept 'at the house 
of a Mr. Head, in Cheap Street, yet standing, and occupied by 
Mr. Joplen, and early next morning, by his express wish, the sacra- 
ment was administered to him by Dr. Twiss, the then Eector of 
Newbury, in the presence of Mr. Head and his whole family, who 
attended at Lord Falkland's especial request. The apartment which 
tradition points out as being the scene of Falkland's last communion is 
still preserved, and contains a curious cupboard fitted into a recess, 
concealed by a panel. The cupboard is of mahogany, and the shell- 
like ornament at the top and the mouldings are gHt. 

Copy of Loed Falkland's Will, from the Prerogattvb 

Court of Canterbury. 

"Sir Lucius Cary, Knt., Viscount of Falkland, in perfect health 
and memory. My soul to God, my body to earth to be buried as my 
ex'trix shall think fit. All my personal estate to my dearly beloved 
wife, Lettice, Viscountess of Falkland, whom I appt. my ex'trix. She 
to have the education of my three sons, Lucius, Henry, and Lorenzo, 
and to bear the charges of educating my younger sons Henry and 

Dated 12 Jime, 18 Charles, 1642. (Signed) Falkland. Witnesses 
Bobert Stanior, Thomas Hinton. Proved at Oxford, 20 October, 1643 
by Lettice, Viscountess of Falkland. 

Seal. Arms and crest of Cary, with a label of 3 points; no coronet. 

The Will, all but the signatures ^^Falkland" and ''Thomas Hinton," 
seems to be in Robt. Stanior' s handwriting. With it is a copy 
altogether in one hand without seal and the signature written 
** Falkland." No notice of date or time of death. (iSee * Herald and 
Genealogist,' vol. iii. p. 133.) 



Earl of Essex. Eobert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was only son of 
the unfortunate favourite of Queen EHzabeth, and inherited much of 
his father's popularity. He acquired, in the Low Countries, a great 
reputation as a soldier; a kind of merit that was despised by James I, 
and overlooked by Charles. His courage was great, his honour was 
inflexible; but he rather waited for, than sought opportunities of 
fighting; and knew better how to gain, than improve a victory. 
When he took the command of the Parliament Army, he was better 
qualified than any man in the kingdom for that post; but was soon 
eclipsed by a new race of soldiers, who, if not his superiors in the art 
of war, went far beyond him in spirit and enterprise. He died the 
fourteenth of September, 1646; and his death helped to open a way 
for the ambition of Cromwell. An account of the recent discovery of 
the burial place of the Earl appears on page 65. 

Lord Robartes, or Roberts. John, Lord Eobartes, second baron 
of Truro, co. Cornwall, created Viscount Bodmin, and Earl of Radnor, 
1679. **That which in the first place crownes all his actions, was the 
fierce and famous batteU at Newberry, where this noble lord lead on 
the battell in his owne person, charging the maine body of the King's 
army with such resolution, as did in liven the London Brigade to 
second and relieve them suddenly: yet notwithstanding this noble 
champion stood to the fight, and lead up other souldiers,,and incouraged 
them, and so continued untill the enemy retreated with great losse of 
men and armes." Ricraft's * Survey of England's Champions,' 1647. 
At the Restoration he was well received by Charles II., and appointed 
a Privy Councillor, Lord Privy Seal, and Viceroy of Ireland. He died 
at Chelsea in 1685. Dr. Calybute Downing, the famous Puritan 
divine. Rector of West Hsley, near Newbury, was chaplain to 
Lord Robartes' regiment. 

Lord Grey of Groby. Thomas Grey, son of Henry, second Lord 
Grey, created Earl of Stamford, 26 March, 1628. He was one of the 
Eling's judges, and his signature appears on the warrant of execution. 

Sir John Meyrick. He had served in the royal army, and was 
knighted by the "King, but he deserted to the Parliament, and was 
made Sergeant-Major-General by the Earl of Essex, and, afterwards, 
at the siege of Reading appointed General of the Ordnance, being 
superseded in his former office by the famous Skippon, by order of 
Parliament. Sir John Meyrick's WiU was proved in 1659. 

Sir Phujp Stapleton. Inherited **but a moderate estate in York- 
shire, and, according to the custom of that country, had spent his time 
in those delights which horses and dogs administer.*' A Member of 
the Long Parliament; joined in the prosecution of Strafford; opposed 
the self-denying ordinance, 1644. Withdrew beyond sea, and died at 
Calais as soon as he landed. "Was denied burial upon imagination 
tiiat he had died of the plague." "Peacock's Army List," p. 25. His 


Will was proved in 1647. Stapleton's cuirassiers were called "Essex's 
Life-Guard," and corresponded to Lord Bernard Stuart's cavalier 

Sir William Constable. Son and heir of Sir Bichard Constable, 
of Flamborough, co. York, Kt., by Anne, daughter and heiress of 
John Hussey, of Driffield. He was knighted by the Earl of Essex in 
Ireland, in 1599, and created a Baronet, 29 June, 1611. He had been 
Colonel of a Reg^ent of Foot, and some time Q-ovemor of Gloucester, 
and was one of the signers of the death-warrant of King Charles I. 
His will, dated 13 Dec, 1654, was proved 18 July, 1655, by his relict 
Dame Dorothy, who was the eldest daughter of Thomas, first Lord 
Fairfax. He left no issue, and the title became extinct. He was 
buried in Westminster Abbey; but, not only were his remains exhumed 
after the Bestoration and thrown into the common pit in the church- 
yard, but his estates were especially excepted in the general pardon 
subsequently granted by King Charles H. His relict died 9 March, 
1656, and was buried in the Church of St. Mary Bishophill, Senior, 
York. See Note to Burials, "Westminster Abbey Beg^ers," edited 
by Col. J. L. Chester, LL.D., p. 148. 

SiB William Balfoub. Of the family of Balfour of Pitcidlo, 
CO. Fife, Scotland, gentleman of the King's privy-chamber, and 
Lieutenant of the Tower of London. Though he had great obliga- 
tions to the Court, he made no scruple of attaching himseK to its most 
violent opponents. He was turned out of his office as Lieutenant of 
the Tower a little before the breaking out of the Civil War, and was 
succeeded by Col. Lunsford. At the battle of Edgehill, Sir William 
Balfour commanded the reserve, and greatly distinguished himseK. 
He led also the right wing of horse at tiie Second Battle of Newbury. 
His Will was proved in 1661. 

Sib Samuel Luke. Governor of Newport-Pagnell in 1645. The 
supposed original of Butler's Hudibras, and author of the Journal of 
the Siege of Beading, printed in Coate's History of that town. 

Sib Abthub Goodwin. Of Woobum, co. Bucks, the intimate 
friend and neighbour of John Hampden. Like him, he held a command 
under the Earl of Essex, and was quartered at Aylesbury in the first 
campaign. The following interesting letter addressed by Col. Qt)odwin 
to lus only daughter, Jane, second wife of Philip, Lord Wharton 
(by whom she was mother of the famous Marquis, and grandmother 
of the more famous duke, who, soon dissipated the estate which she 
had brought into the family), conveys a faithful estimate of the 
patriot's character. ** Deere Jenny. * * * Let me beg of you to 
send me a broad black ribbon to hang about my standard. * * * 
I am now here at Hampden in doing the last duty for the deceased 
owner of it, of whom every honest man hath a share in the loss, and 
therefore will labour in the service, for the loss of such a friend ; to 
my own particular, I have no cause of discontent, but rather to bless 
God he hath not according to my deserts bereft me of you and all the 
comforts allowed to me. All his thoughts and endeavours of his life was 
zealously for the caujse of God's, which he continued in all his sickness 
even to his death, — ^f or all I can learn, the last words he spoke was to 
me, though he died 6 or 7 hours after I came away, as in a sleepe, 
truly Jenny (and I know you may be easily persuaded to it), he was a 
gallant man, an honest man, an able man, and take all, I know not to 


any man living second. God now in mercy liath rewarded him. 
* * * Abthue Goodwin. Hampden, 26 June, [1643]. To my 
daughter Lady Wharton at my Lord Wharton's house, Clerkenwell. 
Carte's MSS., Letters, Bibl. Bodl. v. 103, No. 40. 

Majoe-General Skippon. Philip Skippon was Sergeant-Major- 
General of the Parliament army. Major-general of the London militia, 
and governor of Bristol. After the passing of the ** self-denying 
ordinance," he was preferred to the same post in the army that he held 
before; to which he was thought justly to be entitled in the ground of 
merit. He was president of the Council of War under the Earl of 
Essex, and both in the cabinet and the field approved himself an 
excellent soldier. He commanded the infantry at the battle of 
Naseby, where he exerted himself with his usual intrepidity. ** Mag- 
nanimous Skippon," says May, ** was grievously wounded, yet would 
not forsake the battle ; but with aU possible endeavours performed his 
part, till the victory was obtained." He was a zealous republican, 
and indeed went the greatest lengths with that party. His name 
frequently occurs as a member of the House of Commons in the 
Interregnimi. He was also one of Cromwell's Couiicil of State. He 
had £1,000 a year in lands of inheritance assigned him. by the 
Parliament for his services. The Duke of Buckingham's estate at 
Blecheley in Buckinghamshire was given to him, in that nobleman's 
forfeiture; but at Qie Restoration it reverted to the real owner. 
Walker says, **he was heretofore waggoner to Sir Erancis Vere;" 
but if he were a waggoner, which is extremely improbable, it adds 
much to the greatness of his character, to have been able to raise 
himself to such eminent posts in the army and the state, under every 
disadvantage of education. Note to Eicrafts's * Survey of England's 
Champions,' 1647, pp. 81, 2. Skippon's colours were: — "From the 
dexter comer blue clouds and therefrom issuing a naked arm and 
hand proper, holding a sword proper, hilted or, before this, paleways, 
a book closed and clasped or; beneath these, on two lines in writing 
*Ora et pugna. Juvat et juvabit, Jehovah;' fringed gold and argent." 
Prestwich's Eespublica, p. 38. Skippon won the hearts of his soldiers 
by such speeches as these, "Come my boys, my brave boys! I will 
run the same hazard with you; remember the cause is for God: come 
my honest brave boys! let us pray heartily, and fight heartily, and 
Gtod will bless us." 

Majob-Geneeal Deane. The well-known Parliamentary General- 
at-Sea. He was the eldest son of Edward Deane, of Pinnock, co. 
Gloucester, Esq., by his second wife, Ann Wase. (Eor an elaborate 
and admirable account of him and his career, consult his "Life," by 
the Eev. John Bathurst Deane, published in 1870.) He was killed 
during the naval engagement with the Dutch on the 2nd June, being 
only in his forty-second year. He married at the Temple Church, 
21 May, 1647, Mary, daughter of John Grimsditch of Knottingley, 
York, Esq., who survived him, and married at St. Bartholomew the 
Great, London, 2 January, 1654-5, Colonel Edward Salmon, another 
well-known Parliamentarian. Colonel [he is described as * Colonel' 
in the Register] Deane's remains were ignominiously exhumed after 
the Restoration, and, with those of others equally eminent in 
maintaining the honour of the British flag, thrown into a common 
pit in the churchyard. His will, dated 31 March, 1653, was i^cox^ 


20 January, 1653-4, by his relict. He left two daughters, Mary and 
Hannah. The stupid stories propagated by his political enemies as to 
his vulgar origin and early career have been abundantly disproved by 
his recent biographer; and posterity is already doing justice to his 
memory. Note to Burial, * Westminster Abbey Registers,' edited by 
Col. J. L. Chester, LL.D., pp. 146-7. 

Lietjt.-General Middleton. See Appendix to the Second Battle. 

Colonel Sheffield. Yoimger son of the Earl of Mulgrave. 

Colonel John Meldrttm. ** There appear," says Col. Chester, in a 
note to the burial of Col. John Meldrum, in Westminster Abbey, **to 
have been two eminent military men of this name, both Scotchmen, 
and both named John^ who are often confounded in contemporaneous 
history. &ir John Meldrum, who was knighted at Windsor 6 August 
1622, was imdoubtedly the one who took part in the memorable 
actions at Newark, Hull, Scarborough, etc., and received his death- 
woimd at the last place. His will, dated 24 May, 1645, was proved 
2 June, 1647." The Meldrum named in the list of Parliamentary 
Officers who fought at Newbury was no doubt Colonel John Meldrum, 
who is said to have been kiUed at Alresford, Hants. His name 
occurs in the List of the Parliamentary Army in 1642, as Lieutenant of 
the 2nd Troop of Horse, under the general command of William, Earl 
of Bedford, and he evidently obtained rapid promotion. As the Battle 
of Brandon (or Cheriton) Heath, near Alresford, took place on the 
29th March, 1644, and his nimcupative will was made on the 8th of 
April following, it is probable he was mortally woimded on that day; 
or, the two dates may be identical, allowing for the difference between 
Old and New Style. The Will states that he was **very much 
woimded." It was proved 16 November, 1648, by his relict Jane, 
then a minor. His remains were included amongst those of other 
eminent Parliamentarians which were exhumed after the Restoration, 
and thrown into a common pit in St. Margaret's church-yard. 

Colonel Norton. See Appendix to the Second Battle. 

Colonel Dalbier. Prominently mentioned in connection with the 
Siege of Donnington Castle. 

Captain Hunt. An officer in one of the city regiments of trained- 
bands, slain in the First Battle of Newbury. The *Mercurius Aulicus' 
of October 1, 1643, has the following notice of Captain Hunt. — "A 
conf ect. maker, in St. Mary, Woolnooth. This Hunt was the first that 
committed sacrilege in his own parish church (after John Pym's 
orders for defacing of churches), pulling down the cross from the 
steeple, the cross from the King's crown over the font, lopping off the 
hands and pulling out the eyes from the tombs and monuments, 
cutting off the cherimibim's wings placed upon the arches, and (which 
both Christian and Jew will abhore) blotting out the dreadful name of 
God as it stood over the commandments, in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. 
In this Hunt's pockets were foimd his watch, his conmiission from the 
rebels, an assessment roll of his neigbours at Hackney parish, besides 
£16 in money, which the souldier had who stript off his Buff." 

Captain Francis 8t. Barbe. He was fourth and yoimgest, but 
second surviving son of Henry St. Barbe, Esq., of Ashington, co. 
Somerset, and Broadlands, Hants. His name occurs in the list of 
killed in this engagement. 

Captain Hammond. This was probably the same Captain Hammond 

>frlio was engaged in the Second Battle at Shaw, and the King's gaoler 
at Carisbroke Castle. 

Captain Charles Flee1:wood, afterwards the distinguished Parlia- 
mentary gemeral, &^ son of Sir William Fleetwood, cupbearer to 
K. Charles I., and comptroller of Woodstock-park. On the breaking 
out of the war between King and Parliament, Young Fleetwood 
declared for the latter. He commanded a regiment of cavalry in 1644, 
and held the rank of Lieut.-General at the battle of Worcester, to the 
gaining of which, by Cromwell, he largely contributed. He married 
the Protector's daughter after the death of her first husband Ireton, 
end was appointed commander of the forces in Ireland in 1652. He 
strongly opposed Cromwell assuming the title of King in 1657; and 
was soon after superseded in Ireland by Henry Cromwell, the Pro- 
tector's youngest son. On the death of Cromwell, lie concurred in 
the appointment of Richard as his successor, bolt soon ait^ joined 
in inducing him to resign, and thus paved the Way for the Restoration. 
He died 4th October, 1692, and was buried in Bunhill Fields. 

XZJaptain Charles Pym. Son of *' King Pym." 

Wtlltam Twisse, D.D., Rector of Newbury. The son of a clothier 
*it Newbury, whose father had immigrated from Germany. He was 
bom at Speenhamland about 1575, in a house said to have stood in 
the Lamb-and-Castle Yard. He was educated at Winchester and 
Oxford, became a fellow of New College, 11 March, 1597-8, and was 
presented to the living of Newbury in 1620 by the Prince of Wales, 
afterwards Charles I. Twisse was appointed Prolocutor of the 
Assembly of Divines under the Commonwealth; but on account of his 
age and infirmities he was soon unable to attend the sittings of the 
Assembly, and in a few months was taken ill, and laid upon his bed, 
where he lingered for about a year, and died July 20, 1646. His 
funeral in Westminster Abbey was attended by most of the members 
of the House of Commons and the whole of the Assembly of Divines, 
but his remains were included among those disinterred after the 
Restoration. His will, dated 9 September^ 1645, with a codicil, 
30 June, 1646, was proved 6 August in the latter year. He would 
seem not to have been so reduced in circumstances as the accounts of 
him usually represent, for, besides other not inconsiderable legacies, 
he bequeathed his manor of Ashampstead, Berks, to trustees for 
the benefit of his younger children. He left four sons and three 
daughters, but his wife (Frances, daughter of Barnabas Colnett, of 
Combley, Isle of Wight) had predeceased him. (See Note to Burial, 
'Westminster Abbey Registers,' edited by Col. J. L. Chester, LL.D., 
p. 140.) There is a portrait of Dr. Twisde in the Vestry of Newbury 
Church, which appears, from the Churchwarden's accounts, to have 
been either painted by, or purchased of, one Richard Jerome, in 1647, 
a year after Twisse' s death, at a cost of one pound fifteen shillings^ 
The following is the entry in the Churchwarden's book: — 

** 1647.— Paid to Richard Jerome for Dr. Twisse his picture. 1. 15. 0." 

Dr. Ward, the antiquary, mentions this pictxire as having been much 
damaged by cleaning, in 1745. 

RoBEBT CoDRTNGTON. The author of the account of the battle, 
originally printed in 1646, from which extracts have been taken^ 


was second son of Eobert Codrington, Esq., of Codrington, co. Glou- 
cester. He was elected Demy of Magdalen Ck)ll., Oxford, 29 July, 
1619, when he was about 17 years of age, and took his M.A. degree 
in 1626. After that he travelled into several foreign lands, and at his 
return lived a gentleman's life, first in Norfolk, where he married, and 
finished his life in London, by the pla^e in the year 1665. He 
published many pieces of different taste in nis Hf e-time, and left several 
manuscripts prepared for the press. Though Codrington plainly 
declares himself a Parliamenteer, his history, so far as it goes, is the 
least exceptionable and the most comprehensive of any writings on 
the same subject, in those times; for, besides the character of his 
hero, the Earl of Essex, he gives us the general opinion, and the 
groimd of the first part of the Civil War; and seems to relate the 
natural facts without aggravation. He always speaks of the King's 
Majesty with respect, ascribing the ill-conduct of his affairs and bad 
success, to the wickedness and heat of the counsels he received; and 
heartily wishing a good and lasting reconciliation and peace between 
the King and his Parliament. ^ life and death of Eobert, Earl of 
Essex,' Harleian Miscell., vol. 1, pp. 211, 212. 

VI. — ^Extracts prom the Certificates or Eetctrns of those Per- 

This Protestation' Vas reported and agreed to in the Commons, and 
ordered to be made by every member of that House, on the 3rd May, 
1641. It was agreed to by the Lords, and ordered to be made by 
every Member of their House on the following day. Subsequently it 
wa-s resolved that the Protestation is fit to be made by every one, and 
that that person soever who shall not make the same is unfit to bear 
office in the Church or Commonwealth, and that it is ** A Shibboleth to 
discover a true Israelite." 

The Protestation runs as follows : — ^I, A. B., do in the x^resence of 
Almighty God promise, vow, and protest to maintain and defend as 
far as lawfully I may with my Life, Power, and Estate, the true 
Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Chwrch 
of JSngland against all Popery and Popish Innovations, within this 
Realm, contrary to the same Doctrine, and according to the duty of my 
allegiance to His Majesty's Boyal Person, Honour, and Estate, as also 
the Power and Privileges of Parliaments, the lawful Rights and liber- 
ties of the Subjects, and every Person that maketh this Protestation 
in whatsoever he shall do in the lawful Pursuance of the same; and 
to my power, and as far as lawfxdly I may I will oppose and by all 
good Ways and Means endeavour to bring to Condign Punishment all 
such as shaU, either by Force, Practice, Uounsels, Plots, Conspiradesy 


or oilierwise, do any tliiiig to tlie contrary of any tiling in this present 
Protestation contained, and further, that I will in all just and honour- 
able ways endeavour to preserve the Union and Peace betwixt the 
Three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland: and neither for 
Hope, Fear, nor other Respect, shall relinquish this Promise, Vow, 
and Protestation. — ^Loeds* Jottrnal, rv. 234. 

The Extracts following are made from the original returns preserved 
at the House of Lords, by permission of Sir William Rose, K.O.B., 
Clerk of Parliaments. 

Bbimpton Parish: — Mr. Thos. Bird (minister) and parishioners. 

Chaddleworth Parish: — ^Thomas Nelson, Thomas Tipping, John 
Blagrave, and several members of the Bartholomew and Pocock families. 

Cheeveley Parish: — ^Richard Nixon (vicar), John Money, Laurence 
Money, Richd. Pocock, sen., Richd. Pocock, jun., Edward Aubery, 
Ben., John Aubery, jun., John Dolman, jun. ; Gyles Smith, and Peter 
Holdways, churchwardens; Edward Paty, and Richard Chaulk, 
Overseers; Stephen Butler, Constable. 

CoMPTON Parish: — Richard Hasell, Minister, Richard Pottinger, 
sen., Richard Pottinger, jim,, Robert Ffetiplace. 

Enborne Parish: — ^Edward Blandy, Mr. "Wm. Elk, jun., George 
Mathews, John Mathews, William Lovelock, Bartholomew Hasell, 
Wm. Elk, Rector of Enbome; Mr. Philip Hedd and Edward 
Bromley, Churchwardens; Paul Hunt, High Constable. But Wm, 
Holmes, Sen. above 4 score years old and deaf and feeble; and John 
Holmes, jun,, a simple young man and lame; and Wm. Plantin, 
3 score and 12 or above, and infirm and decayed both inwardly and 
outwardly in mind and all other means, and Saml. Lyford, and John 
Warner, poore disabled men, and Francis Belcher, a yonge swageringe 
stranger who hath lately at Newtown married Margaret Nalder, and 
is now living with his wife at Enborne, have not made protestation. 

Ertlsham: — ^The Protestation taken in the public congregation and 
signed by Samuel Watkins, pastor .there, Richd. Smallbone, Luke 
Hore, and members of the Eisher, Pocock, Newbery, Chamberlain, 
and other families. 

Grbenham (a Tything of Thatcham). All most willingly took the 
Protestation, not one refusing. John Howes, John Warde, Thos. 
Barnes, James Osgood, Edward K!iggill, Thos. Collins, sen., Thos. 
Collins, jun., Wm. Hawkins, Jno. Degweede, Jno. Pocock, Joseph 
Hickman, John Hickman; Simon Ffarant, Curate; Thos. Osgood, 
constable; Thos. Knighton, churchwarden; Edward Green, overseer; 
Thos. Parker, tythingman. 

HamsteihMarshall: — ^Thomas Slocock, Jo. Slocock, Ric. Slocock, 
and others. All the residents in the parish signed, except Wm. Bunn 
now four score, and Thos. Pary who is in WUtshire and has not had 
warning, both are good protestants and would not refuse to sign the 
protestation. Saml. Paine, curate; John May and Thos. George, 
churchwardens. The names of Baker, Dore, Bartholomew, Harding, 
Lovegrove, Tubb, Holmes, Crooke, and Toms appear as residents 
in the parish at this time. 

Hampstbd-Norris: — ^Wm. Moore, vicar. Protestation signed by 
the Palmer, Dore, Bosely, Matthews, Abery, Goddard, Marriner, 
Kimber, and Howse families. The following refused, Henry Prince, 
Andrew Prince, Richard Brabrooke, E»q. 


West Ilsley:— John He&d^ minister, &c. 

Easy Ilsley: — Joseph Warner, minister, &c. Refusals — John 
Boulton, Henry Lipeat, recusants. Signed, Giles Pocock, Jo. Ambsose^ 
churchwardens; Jas. Pottinger, constable. 

Inkfen : — ^Richard Money the elder, Richard Money the yoimger, 
John Brickenden, rector; Wm. Kirke, Pfortunatus Handing, church- 
wardens; Humphrey Banks and William Bayley are from home. 

KiNTBTmY: — Sir John Dorrell, John DorreH, Esq., Alex. Browne^ 
John Gunter, Robert Elgar, John Elgar, Robt. Field, Wm. Hazelly 
Robt. Ffidler, Richd. Blandy. Wallingtom — Sir Jno. Klngsmill, 
Charles Gunter, Marmaduke Gimter. Inglewood and Bahden — Thos. 
Lowder, Thos. Webbe, WiUm. Webbe, James Choke. Tything of 
Solt — Willm. Nalder, James Nalder^ — ^Faithfull; Francis Allen, vicar; 
Edwd. Butcher, Robt. Field, churchwardens; Thos. Mountigue, Ja&. 
Wiggins, overseers. 

Leokhamstead : — Giles Hatt, Richd. Blagrave, Henry Blagrave. 
Signed also by parishioners of the name of Adnams, Head, Maskell, 
Selwood, Whistler, Wemham, Buckeridge, &c. Henry Greetham, 
clerke, Giles Spicer, constable, Richd. Hatt, overseer, John Spicer, 
Edwd. AveriU, churchwardens. 

MroGHAMi^nJohn Tull, absent, Thos. White, Thos. Bird, absent at 
court, Thos. Prior, curate, Thos. Tull, Richd. May, churchwardens. 

Newbtjby: — ^WiUm. Pearse, maior, WiOm. Twisse, rector, Timothy 
Avery, gent., Richd. Tomlyne, Esq., Richd. Avery, gent., Richd. 
Waller, gent., Hugh Hawkins, gent., John Houghton, gent., John 
Cooke, gent., John Wheatly, curate, John Barksdale, gent., John 
Edmonds, GabrieU Cox, Richd. HolweU, Ed^. Trenchard, Esq., 
Henry Trenchard, gent., Thos. Knight, Adam Head, John Hamblin, 
JoeU Dance, Richd. Cox, John Bruce, Mr. Dunce, Esq., Philip 
Weston, Wm. Waller, Wm. Bew, John Merryman, gent., Nathaniel 
Hempsteed, Edwd. Blandy, Ed. Avery, James Purdue, Thos. Pearse, 
John Dibley, Francis Norris, Willm. Smart, John Waulter, Thos. 
Wilson, Joseph Gilmore, Alexdr. Gilmore, sen., Alexdr. Gihnore, jun., 
George Cowslade, Thos. Cowslade, Richd. Shaw, John Mundy, gent., 
Thos. Virtue, Thos. Sansum, Wm. Curteis, Joseph Nalder, W. 
Arimdell, W. Nash, Mr, E. Lovelock, gent., Wm. God din, Richd. 
Bowyer, Thos. Jemmett, John Hoare, Thos. Somersby, Thos. Gray, 
&c., &c. No refusals to sign the Protestation in the parish of New- 
bury, Wm. Twisse, rector, Briant Linch, Ralph Kmgham, church 
wardens. The Protestation taken before Humphrey Dolman and 
Roger Knight, two of His Majesty's Justices of the County of Berks, 

Peasemore: — ^Edd. Lyford, rector, John Stampe, gent. Signed also 
by Dew, Bew, Drew, Tanner, Fisher, Aubery, GarHck, Hide, Caulcott, 
Hatt, Clark. Harding, and others. 

Shaw-cum-Donnington: — ^Francis Rowland, sen., Francis Rowland, 
jim., Wm. Besley, Thos. Dolman, Richd. Money, John Blagrave, John 
Nalder, John Graye, Richd. Kinge, Wm. Portlucke, Mr. Griffin 
Doncastle, and Mr. Richard Smith, of Grange, John and Robt. 
Hastinges, Gyles Stampe, John Royston, rector, Roger Whatley 
and Wm. Snowswell, churchwardens, Thos. Shipton, John Norcroft, 
and John Challis, overseers of Poore. 


Little Sheffobd : — John Prime, rector. With the exception of the 
Rector, none of the parishioners could sign their names, out all put 
their **mark." 

Great Sheffobd: — Jo. Nixon, rector. Geo. Browne, Esq.jEUeanor 
Browne, his wife, EUeanor Browne his daughter — These desired a 
long time to consider which was refused. George Browne sone of 
Geo. Browne, aforesaid, and Morrice Jonathan, servant — ^would sign 
in aU except the part against Popery. Anne Cooper, Anne Northover 
— professing themselves simple maidens requested time to consider on 
the part of religion. Elizbh. Wylder, Ursula Wylder, widow, daughter 
of said Elizabeth — absolutely refuse to sign the Protestation. John 
ArundeU, constable and churchwarden. 

Speen; — Thos. Castillian, Esq., Jo. Barker, and others, John 
Barker, minister. 

Wasing: — Thos. Walker or Walthen, rector, 

Welfokd: — Hinton, Esq., and others, John Mundy, clerk. 

WinterborneDanyers in the parish of Chieveley: — Henry Greetham, 
clerk, Laurence Head, Thomas Kimber, and others. 

VJJL. — List of the Sequestrators of the Estates of ** Delinquents, 
Papists, Spyes, and Intelligencers,'* for the County of Berks; 


1, 1643:— 

Sir Francis Pile, Bart. (1); Sir Francis Knollys, jun. Knt. (2); 
Peregrine Hobby (3); Henry Marten (4); Eoger Knight (5); Henry 
Powl (6); Thomas Fettiplace (7), and Tanfield VacheU (8), Esquires. * 

(1). Sir Francis Pile, second bart. Sat for the County of Berks in 
the second Parliament of 1640, succeeding on the disablement of Mr. 
John Fettiplace in 1646. The first of the family who was created a 
baronet was Francis, of Compton-Beauchamp^who received that honour 
from Charles I, 12 Sept. 1628, for his services to the Crown. He 
married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Francis Popham, of Littlecote, knt., 
and dying in 1635, he was succeeded by his eldest son, the member for 
the county above mentioned. The baronetcy became finally extinct 
4 May, 1761, on the demise of the 6th baronet. 

(2). Sir Francis Bjstollys, Jun, second son of the famous Sir 
Francis Knollys, K.G., Treasurer of Queen Elizabeth's household and 
captain of the Guard, who received from his royal mistress the grants 
of Whitley Park (the Abbot's park mentioned by Leland as being at 
the entrance to Beading town), and the manor or farm of Battle, 
which also belonged to Reading Abbey. Sir Francis resided at the 
Abbey-house ' of Reading at the period of the civil war. Captain 

* This Committee sat at Beading Abbey. 


Bymonds, who was at Beading in 1644, described the dining-room at 
the Abbey-house as having the arms and initials of Queen Elizabeth, 
for whose reception it was probably fitted up. Sir Francis, jun., the 
sequestrator, sat for the county of Berks in the Parliaments 6f 1614-25, 
and for Eeading in those of 1625-26-28-40 until his demise in 1645. 

(3). Peebqbinb Hoby, son of Sir Edward Hoby, of Bisham, co. 
Berks, who received the honour of a visit from Queen Elizabeth at 
Bisham in 1592, who when Princess had spent part of three years here 
under the guardianship of Sir Thomas Hoby. Edward, the son of 
Peregprine, was created a baronet 12 July, 1666, a title which became 
extinct on the death of the Bev. Sir Philip Hoby, fifth baronet, 
June 29, 1766. 

(4). Harry Marten. The Begicide. Son of Sir Henry Marten, 
of Longworth, near Paxingdon, Dean of Arches, Judge of tiie Prero- 
gative court and of the High Court of Admiralty, who was esteemed 
the first civilian of the age. His ** ungodly son," as Wood calls 
him, represented the county of Berks in the Parliaments of 1640-40, 
and was governor of Beading in 1642, but upon the approach of a 
party of me king's horse Marten quitted the town and fled with his 
garrison. After the Bestoration, Marten surrendered on the Procla- 
mation and was tried at the Old Bailey, he was found g^ty, and 
petitioned for pardon, which he obtained on condition of perpetual 
imprisonment. He was first confined in the Tower, but soon removed 
to the Gastie at Chepstow, where he was incarcerated twenty years. 
Marten was buried in the Church at Chepstow, and over his remains 
was placed a stone with the following inscription, the acrostic epitaph 
being written by himself. 

Sep. 9, in the year of our Lord 1680, 
Was buried a true Englishman, 
Who in Berkshire was well known 
To love his country's freedom, 'bove his own^ 
But living immured full twenty year. 
Had time to write, as does appear, 


H ere or elsewhere (aU's one to you, to me,) 
E arth, air, or water, gripes my ghostiess dust 
N one knows how soon to be by fire set free 
B eader, if you an oft tryed rule will trust, 
Y ou'U gladly do and suffer what you must. 

M y life was spent in serving you, and you, 

A nd death's my pay (it seems) and welcome too ; 

B evenge destroying but itself, while I 

T o birds of prey leave my old cage, and fly, 

E xamples preach to th' eye, care then, (mine says) 

N ot how you end, but how you spend your dayes." 

(5). BoQER Knight, of Greenham. See Appendix, "Second Battie.'' 

(6). Henry Powle. Of the family of Powles of Shottesbroke. 

This Henry Powle was High Sheriff of the Coimty of Berks, 

8 Car. i, 1632. Mr. Powle's younger son Henry, sat for Windsor in 

the Convention Parliament of 1688, over which he presided as Speaker, 


became Master of the Bolls, 13 Marcli, 1689-90, and died 21 Not., 
16&2. He married, in 1679, Frances, Countess Dowager of Dorset, 
relict of Eichard Sackville, 5th Earl of Dorset. 

(7). Thomas Fettiplaob, of Femham, near Faringdon. 

(8). Tanfieu) Vaohell, of Coley House. M.P. for Beading in the 
Second Parliament of 1640, succeeding, to that seat on the demise of 
Sir Francis KnoUys, jun., knt. in 1645. King Charles was at Coley 
House in May, 1644, which at this time belonged to John Hampden 
in right of his second wife, Letitia, daughter of Sir Francis KnoUys, 
brother to William, Earl of Banbury and widow of Sir Thomas 
Vachell. '* Mr. Tanfield Vachell whom the King made Sheriff of Berks 
in 1643, and who left his service and went to Eebellion, whose house 
on the south side of the town newly built upon the old priory and now 
pxdl'd down, is cousin and heir to y© said Sir Thomas Vachell, his 
uncle. 'Tis reported in Beading an old story of YacheU, y* would not 
suffer ye Abbot of Beading to carry the hay through his yard, ye Abbot 
after many messengers, sent a Monk, whom Vachell in fury killed, he 
was forced to fly, and his kin after adopted the motto, ** It is better to 
BuSer than revenge." (Symond's "Church Notes," Harl. MSS., 965^ 
Mus. Brit.) 

The OoMMissiomsKs foe RAisma Money aitd Foeoes withtn the 
County of Beeks, and foe Maintenanoe of Gaeeisons wiTHDf 


27, 1644, were: — • 

William Lenthall, Speaker and Master of the Bolls (1); Sir Francis 
KnoUys, knt.. Sir Francis Pile, Bart., Sir Bobert Pye, sen. (2) ; Sir 
Benjamin Budyerd, knt. (3); Bichard Whitehead, Edward Dimch (4); 
Henry Marten, Peregrine Hobby, Tanfield Vachell, Daniel Blagrave 
(5); Major-General Bichard Browne (6); William BaU, John Packer, 
sen. (7); Bobert Packer (8); and ComeHus Holland (9). 

(1). William Lenthall, (the speaker of the Long Parliament), of 
BesHsleigh, co. Berks, who purchased this property of the Fettiplaces 
in 1634. The old mansion which was a magnificent structure, sur^ 
rounded by a quadrangular court is now destroyed except a picturesque 
portion of the offices and the massive stone pillars of the gateway. 
CromweU and other distinguished characters of the day wefe frequent 
guests at Besilsleigh. The elder branch of the LenthaUs became 
extinct at the decease of William LenthaU, a gentleman of the Privy 
Chamber to Charles 11., M.P. for WaHingford in 1680. The family 
is now represented by Edm. Kyffin Lenthall, Esq., of Besilsleigh* 

96 Al>l>ENDIX. 

(2). SiK RoBEET !Pye, sen. Upon tlie breaMng oilt of the Civil 
War he sided with the Parliamentarians, and, as Colonel of horse in 
G-eneral Fairfax's regiment, headed an assault on his own house at 
Faringdon, in which he was repulsed by the royalist governor Sir 
Marmaduke Eawdon. During the protectorate he enjoyed many high 
favours; he nevertheless joined in the attempt to restore Charles U., 
and was subsequently committed to the Tower for a breach of 
privilege in presenting a petition from the County of Berks, com- 
plaining of the want of a settled form of GFovemment. Pye was 
released at the Restoration and appointed Equerry to King Charles H. 
He married a daughter of John Hampden. He lived with hei^ 
upwards of 60 years, and died in 1714 within a week of her death. 
Sir Robert Pye's great-great-grandson was the poet-laureat Henry 
James Pye. 

(3). Sir Benjamin RuDYteBD, Knt., of West Woodhay, neai^ 
Newbury, descended from the Rudyerds of Rudyerd, co. of Stafford ; 
third son of James Rudyerd, Esq. of Hartley, co. Hants, by Margaret 
his wife, daughter, and heiress of Lawrence Kidwelly, of Winchfield, 
in the same county, esquire. Sir Benjamin was bom on St. Stephen's 
day, 1572, and educated at the public school, Winchester, and St* 
John's College, Oxford. By the influence of his patron. Sir John 
Harrington, afterwards Lord Harrington, of Exton, preceptor to the ac- 
complished but unfortunate Princess Elizabeth, Rudyerd.soon obtained 
a favourable reception at the Court of King James I. and in the above* 
mentioned noble family, distinguished alike by their talents and piety, 
he, no doubt, received those lessons of moderation which so greatly 
distinguished his whole political career. From that family, too, he 
chose a partner in the jpys and sorrows of his life, in the person of 
Elizabeth, one of the two daughters and co-heiresses of Sir Henry 
Harrington, next brother to John, first Lord Harrington of Exton. 
On the 9th March, 1617, Rudyerd was appointed to the then 
high and distinguished office of Surveyor of His Majesty's Court of 
Wards and Liveries, and on the 30th of the same month. King James 
honoured him with the degree of knighthood. Upon the differences 
arising between King Charles I. and Parliament, Sir Benjamin was 
one of the several members of both houses who did all they could to 
persuade the Parliament to an accommodation, and warned them of the 
miseriea of a civil war. On the abolition of the Court of Wards and 
Liveries in 1647, £6,000 was voted to Rudyerd, and so great was the 
esteem of the House towards him, that they further voted him a part 
of the forfeited estates of the Marquis of Worcester as a reparation 
for the loss of his office, but notwithstanding these marks of favour, 
he was heartily disgusted with the disloyal attempts of the Lidepen- 
dents, and he stood to his post to the last moment advocating 
moderation and deprecating destruction. In December, 1648, Rudyerd 
and other well affected members of the Parliament having been beaten 
on the 4th instant, question, "whether the King's answers to the 
propositions of both Houses were satisfactory," on the 6th, the 
question was varied by the King's friends, among whom Rudyerd 
stood prominently forward, in the hope of further averting the 
progress of the rebellion, and making a happy peace with the 
Sovereign, then a prisoner. It was now put in these terms, — ^that the 
answer of the King to the propositions of both Houses are a ground 


for tke House to proceed upon for the settlement of the peace of the 
kingdom," which was carried by a majority of 129 to 83. Such an 
unexpected occurrence threw Cromwell and the Parliamentary generals 
into the greatest consternation, and the result was the well-known 
coup d'etat, when all the obnoxious members were seized as they 
arrived at the House : one of the victims on this occasion was Eudyerd, 
then 76 years of age, who was thrown into prison with the rest. It 
appears Eudyerd did not remain in confinement any length of time, as 
the Journals of the House of Commons record his release from the 
Q-ate-house shortly afterwards, owing, it is said, to the influence of 
Mr. Prynne. Sir Benjamin then retired to his house at West 
Woodhay, built for him by Inigo Jones, and spent the remainder 
of his days in the quiet to which his mind must have been a 
stranger while engaged in the political struggles of the times. Sir 
Benjamin died at West Woodhay on the 31st May, 1658, aged 86 
years; a few months only before the death of Cromwell. No stronger 
example of the sincerity of Eudyerd's religious sentiments can be 
adduced than the following beautihd hymn which he composed in his 
declining years :— 

"0 God ! my Q-od ! what shaU I give 
To Thee in thanks? I am and live 
In thee ; and thou dost safe preserve 
My health, my fame, my goods, my rent : 
Thou mak'st me eat, whilst others starve, 
And sing, whilst others do lament. 
Such imto me thy blessings are 
As though I were thy only care. 

But oh ! my God, thou art more kind. 
When I look inward on my mind : 
Thou fill'st my heart with humble joy, 
With patience meek, and fervent love 
fWhidi doth aU other loves destroy), 
With faith which nothing can remove, 
And hope assur'd of Heaven's bliss: 
This is my state, my grace is this." 

Sir Benjamin was buried in the Church at West Woodhay, where in 
Ashmole's time there was "a neat black marble monument'* to his 
memory, with an epitaph, written (according to the authority of Wood, 
**Athen8B Oxonienses," vol. iii.) by Sir Benjamin in his younger days. 
It is printed in Ashmole's "Collections," and in the "Hist, of New- 
bury," p. 289. The only son of Sir Benjamin married one of the five 
daughters and co-heirs of Sir Stephen Harvey, of Morton Murrell in 
the CO. of Warwick (created Knight of the Bath at the coronation of 
Song Charles I.); and by this connection Mr. Eudyerd was brother-in- 
law to the celebrated Speaker Lenthall. Mr. John Eudyerd, the 
ingenious designer of the Eddystone Light-house erected in 1708, and 
wmch stood until destroyed by fire in 1755, was a lineal descendant 
of Sir Benjamin. 

(4.) Edmund Dunoh. Member for Wallingford in the Parliaments 
of 1628-40, and for the County in the Parliaments of 1654-56. His 



return to the Long Parliament was declared void. Mr. Dunch, Hig^ 
Sheriff of the County, 9 Car. 1, 1632-3, was the son of Sir William 
Dunch, who married Mary, daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell, and 
aunt to the Protector. In 1658 he was created a baronet, and after- 
wards called to the Upper House by the title of Baron BumeU, of 
which he was divested at the Restoration, he died in 1678. The 
grandson of ** Baron Bumell," and his namesake (Edmund Dunch) 
married a daughter and co-heiress of Col. Godfrey, by Arabella 
Churchill, sister to the great Duke of Marlborough; and on his demise 
without male issue in 1719, his family became extinct. The marriage 
just alluded to is note-worthy, as, the last Mrs. Dunch being half- 
sister to the children of James II., the blood of the CromwedlB and 
Stuarts became thereby commingled. 

(5.) Daniel Blagrave, of Southcote, one of the Regicides, was third 
son of Anthony Blagrave, Esq., and nephew of the eminent mathemati- 
cian who built Southcote Manor-house. He represented the borough of 
Reading in Parliament; and, as a reward for his services to the 
Commonwealth, received the office of **Exigenter" in the Coiirt of 
Common Pleas, worth annually at that time £500, and was made 
Master in Chancery. He was likewise Treasurer of Berkshire, and 
one of the County Committee, who were authorized to remove all 
*' inefficient" ministers, in which office he distinguished himself by 
his vexatious persecution of the clergy. The emolimients of his office 
in the Common Pleas, it is supposed, enabled him to purchase the 
King's fee-farm-rent of the valuable Manor of Sonning and some 
other estates; and, having kept in with every form of government 
during the interregnum, he obtained a seat in the Convention Parlia- 
ment of 1 658. At the Restoration, finding the danger which threatened 
him, he fled the kingdom, and, retiring to Aachen in Germany, died in 
1668 in an obscure condition. John Blagrave, nephew of die above 
and son of Anthony Blagrave, by Dorothy, daughter of Sir Thomas 
Dolman, of Shaw, was one of the gentlemen of Berks who had 
assisted in the Restoration, and qualified to be made a knight of the 
proposed Order of the Royal Oak. This family of the BLagraves of 
Buhnarsh Court and Southcote became extinct in the male line on the 
demise of John Blagrave, Esq., in 1787, and is now represented in the 
female line by J. H. Blagrave, Esq., of Calcot Park. 

(6.) RiOHAKD Browne. Major-Q-eneral of Oxfordshire, Berkshire, 
and Buckinghamshire, was an eminent citizen of London, a warm 
advocate for the presbytery, greatly distinguished himself in the field, 
and had no small influence in the Parliament. He attended the Earl of 
Essex when he first marched against the King; and had a considerable 
hand in defeating the Royalists near Worcester and at Edgehill. He 
took Arundel Castle by storm, and, seizing on Abingdon, bravely 
defended it against the whole force of the garrison at Oxford. In a 
sudden sally from Abingdon he surprised and took Bellasith House, 
which was strongly garrisoned by the royal party, and found in it a 
good supply of provision. He was one of the Conmiissioners deputed 
to receive the King from the Scots army; when, perceiving the great 
advantage His Majesty had in his disputes with their politicians and 
divines, and probably penetrating the designs of the Independents, he 
letumed to Ids allegiance, and ever after inflexibly adhered to it. 


He was mucli in favour witli Charles II., whose Eesident he was at 
Paris before the Restoration, and was soon after created a baronet, 
having before received the honour of knighthood. He had the com- 
mand of the City Militia, and was Lord Mayor of London in 1660. 
His only daughter and heiress espoused John Evelyn* dui'ing her 
father's residence in France. 

(7.) John Packer, of Donnington Castle. ) See Appendix to the 
(8). EoBERT Packer his son. ) Second Battle. 

(9.) CoRNELiirs Holland, M.P. for Windsor. One of the King's 
judges. Once servant to Sir Harry Yane, by whom he was preferred 
to be Clerk of the Green Cloth to the King whose death-warrant 
he ultimately signed. Winstanley in his **Martyrology," and the 
author of a work entitled *'The History of the King Killers," 
concur in representing this regicide as a man of great depravity. In 
"The Mystery of the Good Old Cause," it is stated that Holland made 
himself a farmer of the King's Feeding-grounds at Crestoe in Bucks, 
worth £1,800 or £2,000 per annum, at the rate of £20 a year, which 
he discounted. He possessed Somerset House a long time, where he 
and his family nested themselves. He was keeper of Richmond House 
which served for his country-retreat. He was also commissary for the 
garrison at Whitehall and the Mews ; and he had an office in the Mint. 
It is supposed he gave £5,000 to each of his ten children! 


"Ship-Money," a word, says Lord Clarendon, "of a lasting sound in 
the memory of this kingdom," indicates a project which in its progress 
made the dissensions between King and Parliament irreparable, and 
in its consequences led to the misery of eleven years of almost uninter- 
rupted Civil War. 

Schedules were prepared and sent to each Sherijff, containing the 
list of all the counties, cities, and corporate towns, and the pro- 
portions in which each was rated, to the end that each district and 
community might be made aware that the contribution was enforced 
impartially. These Schedules present a view of the comparative 
wealth and importance of those places, which is remarkable in the 
contrast it affords with their respective conditions in present times. 

* Cowley in hia ** Gkirden," addressed to this worthy gentleman, compliments 
him upon his taste for horticuJture and books, and his happy choice of- a wife, who 
hud, as he expresses it, 

" The &ire8t garden in her looks, 
And in her mind the choicest hooks," 



Chabge, and the Sttms 8£t on the Cobfokation Towns in the 
CouiiTY of Besks. (From Sir Peter Temple's MS. Papers — Stowe, 
given in the Appendix to Lord Nugent's "life of Hampden.") 

tons. men. ohaboe. 

Berkshire Comity, One Ship of 320 128 £4000 

Town of Windsor 100 

Borough of Newbury 100 

Borough of Beading 220 

Borough of Abingdon 100 

Borough of Wallingford, 20 

Portsmouth was assessed at £60; Bath £70; Preston £40; Stafford 
£30; and Liverpool £25! Such a disproportion to the present wealth 
of some of these places shows what great changes are wrought by the 
hand of Time ! 

Petition of the Grand Jtjby of the County of Bebks against 

Ship Money, &c.* 

To the King's Most Excelent Ma^e. 

The Humble Petition of your Matiea most Loyall subjects the 
Grand Jury Lnpaneled 11 July, 1640, to serve at the generall assizes 
holden for the County of Berks, in the behalfe of themselves, and 
the rest of the Countie. Sheweth, That whereas your Petitioners 
have been of late yeares and still are much burthened with sundry 
grievances of divers natures deriving ther authority from yr Maje but 
being directly contrary to yr Ma^es Lawes established in this your 
kingdom, the chief of these presenting themselves in a schedule 
hereunto annexed, for redresse, whereof, as your petitioners hoped, 
your Mati© was graciously pleased about the midle of Aprill to 
assemble the great Councell commonly called the High Court of 
Parliament, and about three weeks after to dissolve it, for want (as it 
seemes to your petitioners) of a goode agreemente betwixt the two 
houses. Neverthelesse since the said dissolution to express such a 
fatherly care of your Poor people, that yr Ma^e has vouchsafed by a 
Printed declaration to invite them to the poureing out of their 
complaynts unto your Princely eare. It may therefore please your 
most ExceUt. Ma^e to take the sayd particulers into your tender 
consideration, to give your Petitioners such ease therein, as in your 
Eoyall Wisdome diaU be thought fitte. And whereby it may appeare 
to all your Ma^es Subjects, and especially to thos of yr Ma^es most 
honorable Privy Councell, and your Officers and Ministers of Justis, 
that yr Ma^e is resolved to continue unto them aU their rights and 
Liberties which they desired by ther Petition of Eight, and wer 

* Addl. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 204064, t 9. 


oonfirm'd by yr Ma^e the 3rd yeare of your rayne. And your 
Petitioners as they are bound shall continue to preserve the length 
and happinesse of yr Mattes gayd raigne by ther prayers and all odier 
actions of zeal and duty. 

A Schedule of such grievances as most oppresse the Countie. 

1. — The Ulegall and insupportable charge of Ship mony, now these 
6 yeare Imposed as high as ever, though llie subject was not 
able to pay the last year, being but a third. 

2. — The new tax of coal and conduct mony, with the undermeanes 
used to enforce the payment of it by messengers from 

3. — ^The compellinge sume freemen by imprisonment and thretnings 
to take peoples mony, and others for feare of the like 
imprisonment do forsake ther houses and habitations hideing 
them selves in woods, whereby ther families are obliged to be 
maintayned by the parishes, and harvest work undon for want 
of Labourers. 

4. — ^The Infinite mmiber of monopolies upon every thing aUmost the 
Countrymen must bye. Besides the easteme part of this Countie, 
wher your Mamies fforest of Windsor is, is particularly burthened 
with immeasurable inroades of the deare, which if they shall 
goe on soe for five years will leave neither f oode nor roome for 
any creatures in the fforest. 

With rigid execution of forest lawes in ther extremitye, with 
the exaction of the Imoderate fees by som o£B.cers under the 
Ld. Cheef Justis in lyre. * 

* Lord Falkland felt and spoke strongly upon the extra-judicial opinion the Judges 
had given at Charles' request, on the King's right to Ship-Money. ''No meal 
undigestedi" he said, *' can lie heavier upon the stomach than ^lat unsaid would have 
lain upon my conscience." He complained that the judges, *'the persons who 
f^ould have been as dogs to defend the flock, have become the wolves to devour 
it ; " that they had exceeded their, functions, '* being judges of law and not of 
necessity, that is, being judges and not philosophers or politicians; " that to justify 
the plea of necessity, they have *' supposed mighty and eminent dangers in the 
most quiet and halcyon days, but a few contemptible pirates being our most 
formidable enemies;" they also, ''supposing the supposed doings to be so sudden 
that it could not stay for a Parliament which required but a forty days' stay, allowed 
to the King the sole power in necessity, the sole judgment of necessity, and .by that 
enabled him to take from us what he would, when he would, and how he would." 
He especially declaimed against the Chief Justice (at this time Lord Keeper) Finch, 
who importuned the other judges ''as a most admirable solicitor, but a most 
abominable judge." ♦ ♦ ♦ «* He it was who gave away with his breath what 
our ancestors have purchased with so long expense of their time, their care, their 
treasures, and their bloods, and strove to make our grievances mortal and our 
slavery irreparable." ♦ ♦ ♦ *« He who hath already undone us by wholesale," 
and now as Chancellor "hath the power of undoing us by retail." — Cordery and 
Phillpott's " King and Commonwealth," p. 83. 




IN 1643. 

That the County of Berks was generally f ayonrable to the Parliament 
may be inferred fi^mthe following extract of Members returned to the 
Long Parliament, compiled by Professor Masson, and introduced in 
his *^ Life of Milton." 

(The Shire and four Boroughs) No. of Members. 
Parliamentarians . . . . 5 

Hoyalists . . . . 2 

So unstable as meanwhile 

to have changed sides . . 1 

Non-effective . . . . 2 


The Boyalist element in the County is indicated by the following 
list of those who faithfully attached themselves to the interest of the 
King, and had to compound for their estates, under the ordinance of 
Parliament, April 1st, 1643: extracted from FeUowe's "Historical 
Sketches of Charles I." 

CoTjum OF Bebks. 

Appleyard, Charles 

Bunbury, Thomas 

Braxton, Anthony 

Bishop, Bichard 

Bricket, Thomas 

Chok, Francis * 

Clifford, Richard 

Davy, John 

Dicus, Hugh 

Fartham, John 

Foster, Sir Humphrey 
(over and above £500 
paid the Committee 
in the Country) 

Gwynn, William 

Gardiner, Roger 

Hide, Humphrey 

Hall, Thomas 

Hamlyn, Henry 

Herbert, Edward 

Langton, William 

Langton, George 






















































•• * 




























Stan wick 










* Sir Francis Choke, of A.vington, was Lieut. -Col. of Sir Faithful Fortescue*! 
regiment raised for the King. 

















































New Windsoi 










New Windsor Gent. 




Milton, Christoplier * 
Masson, Bobert 
Neville, Richd. 
Peacock, Jolm 
Porter, William 
Reeves, Thomas 
Sawyer, Edward 
Stonehouse, Sir Geo. 
Stafford, Edward 
Thomas, John 
Tyle, Richd. 
WorttoJ), Thomas 

This list must not be supposed to specify the whole of the losses of 
the Berkshire Gentry on this occasion, as there is no doubt that those 
who were actively concerned forfeited their whole property, not being 
allowed to compound. 

Among the Recusants in the neighbourhood who suffered severely 
for their religious principles were the Eystons of Hendred (a family 
who have now held property in the County for over 600 years), the 
Perkinses of Ufton Court, Brownes of Gt. Shefford, and the Dancastles 
of Well-House, and the Grange, in the parish of Shaw. The name of 
Gabriel Coxe who, while Mayor of Newbury, received the King at his 
house, occurs in the catalogue of persons reported to be Papists. 

* Christopher Milton. This was the brother of the great poet, John Milton, 
Cromwell s Latin Secretary. ** He entered as a student of the Middle Temple, of 
which House he became an ancient Bencher, and kept close to that study and 
profession all his life-time, except during the Civil Wars of England, when he 
adhered to the Royal cause, and became obnoxious to the Parliament by acting to 
the utmost of his power against them so long as he kept his station at Reading in 
« Berkshire, and therefore, as soon as that town was taken by the Parliamentary 
forces, he was obliged to quit his house there and steer his course according to the 
motion of the King's army. When the war was ended, and his composition made 
through his brother's interest with the then prevailing powers, he returned to his 
profession." ** Collection of the Works of Milton," 1738.— Bodleian Lib. 




Gentlemen, Feeeholdebs, and Inhabitants of the County op 
Berks fob the betteb pbovision and obdebing of His Majestte'b 
Abmy, and a Declabation of His Majesty's gbatious accept- 

Printed by His Majestie's commaiid at Oxford, Oct. 19, by 
Leonard LicMeld, Printer to the University, 1643. 

At a Coimcell of Warre Held the 13 October, 1643, His Majesty 
being present. 

This day the High Sheriffe, Gentlemen, and Freeholders of the 
County of Berks did present to His Majesty their agreement, on the 
behalf e of all the inhabitants of that Coimty, which was in this manner 
following: — 

FiBST. — They doe agree to pay by way of Loane, during the spaoe of 
a Moneth, a weekly contribution of lOOOZ. by the week, towards the 
maintenance of the King's army out of that County, to be propor- 
tionately laid upon aU parts of the Coimty (except the huncteds of 
Eiplesmere, Bray, Cooldiam, Benhurst, and Wargrave, lying within^ 
the Purest division, which are left to His Majesty to dispose of), to 
beginne from the 29 September now last past, to be levyed and rated 
upon the Lands, Rents, Annuities, Parsonages, and Tythes, and 
Personal estates of the inhabitants of the whole County (except before 
excepted) in such maimer, and according to such proportions, as by 
the ancient and usuaU course of the severaU parts of the County rates 
laid upon the County have been rated and levyed. 

That the one halfe of the said lOOOZ. by the week shall be paid in 
mony, and the other halfe in provisions, and for the provisions they 
shall, be of such sorts as the souldiers shall desire at the rates 
hereunder written, viz*- 

Gates to be rated at 20d. the Bushell. 
Beanes and Pease at 3d. the Bushell. 
Hay at 5d. the Todde. 
Grasse for a horse at 3/- the Week. 
Straw at 10/- the Load. 

And so often those rates for a greater or lesser quantity. But it to be 
alwaies at the election of the parties paying, to pay the whole rate in 
mony if they so please. 


Tliat, if any losse or damage shall happen to any of the inhabitants 
either in their horses or other cattell or in any of their provisions or 
other goods by any of the King's souldiers, such losse or damage 
shall be repayed and recompensed to the party suffering out of the 
said weekly Loane. 

That all the provisions to be delivered according to this agreement shall 
be delivered at the Towne of Abingdon on Friday in every week, or at 
Buch other places as shall be mutually agreed upon, and the delivering 
to bee on such daies in every week, as shall bee likewise agreed upon, 
to the hands of the Collectors or Commissaries to be to that purpose 
appointed, who shall then also receive the mony to be paid according 
to this Agreement, and Books shall be kept wherein shall bee set what 
ehall be paid in mony and what and how much in provisions, and from 
whom, and by whom the same is paid, that so the defaulters may also 
appeare, and be proceeded against accordingly for such their default. 

That the Defalcations or Beparations to be made to any according 
to this Agreement shall be held good, and allowed of whensoever it 
«haU be set downe and allowed imder the hands of any three of the Com- 
missioners named in the Commission for setling of this Contribution. 
And if the losse or dammage amount to more than the party damnified 
in his own particular should pay for the week, then the Beparation 
to be made up and repayed to the party grieved by the High Constable 
or Collector of that part of the Coimty, upon warrant under the hands 
of any three of the said Commissioners allowing the same aforesaid, 
and if any Hundred, Parish, or particular Person, shall make default 
of payment, that Hundred, Parish, or Person, so making default shall 
be left to the care and discretion of the Commander of that part of the 
King's army next to the place where such default shall be, and for the 
supply of whom that part shall be allotted. 

That no manner of free-quarter or billetting shall be taken by or 
for any Horse or Foot Souldiers, nor any Taxe, Charge, or Imposition 
whatsoever shall be laid upon or required from any inhabitant of this 
County, without pwr^^ent payment for the same in mony, as they shall 
agree by consent,^«cept only for House room according to the quality 
of the person Biueted, and of the Person in whose House he is so 
Billeted, and except for fire and candle, such as the Master, Mistris or 
Dame of the FamHy use for themselves and their own family. 

That no Women, Boyes, or Children following the army be admitted 
from henceforth to have House room, unlesse it be by consent, and by 
composition with the owner of the House for the same. 

That the High Constables in every Hundred respectively be the 
immediate Collectors both of the Moneys and Provisions from the 
Inhabitants paying the same, and they to pay the same over to the 
High Sheriff of the County, or such as he shaU appoint, at the times 
and places before mentioned, and they to pay or deliver the same to 
such officers of the army as shall be appointed to receive and distribute 
the same unto and amongst the Souldiers. 

And because the said weekly summe of a lOOOZ, was formerly laid 
upon the whole county, whereof the five Hundreds above mentioned 
were parcell. It is now ordered that such summe of mony, parceU of 
the said lOOOZ., which the said five Hundreds should have borne and 
are now excepted as aforesaid, shaU by the Rule of proportion bee 
rated and layed upon the rest of the County. 


iLr f.HaiTT 1, 

=-i-L iiT cmler of tiit C*imcell of TTBrrc, 
■1 ..: -if '. iimii'j: tf> thr t-nd ihat aU 
■uiii-:^ lUfiT Tiiir kui'wledge of and 

■ir ■' •vi.-r tiua. (0. ilieiT 1.flialft. that 
:.".-s- . '• .ii.njiwi.Bi«^. ■"■fJl'^l'T'teir 
■I ■■•:i:n:i- -Ji^ suej-. itnd pTe He to 
K.-lN^L-v-Tt ■■ r Iut- E ■Tti I^fl^J"*"**" 
■";l.■'-"^■■■l:TlO^ iiua ii'iJ«-n-aTJ'.-niit«of, 
"" -' yLi.-^y jiuT-Jar j-rmsed thesa 
.- iT-ii-i .u^" U'^o- 'iiuui'L -Lafiwf. no* 
" .-" "uu::- ^l-Sb^- ''\iniiTrT. ilie Lords 

I--- ■■ -i.ii: -ii"^ cjjrr«™i-iit* iliall ba 

.7,--.- t ji'.-^ ii'Thr Aadite-houM 

1 ,-'-;-"'■ ■-.ii.TTT i: lirfv fcha]: T.e aiuM, 

... ...- -ii'. liedressr 111 wlifli shall 

- ' ■ 'ir:^-"- ili.----^ iff ite C^'uawU of 
■ T.:.i_ :- .- !.:.rT I'.'if iiT'ftfit* mienrise to 
■- -1 ■■■■• ;Jjr iiiiurr msT bare a 
■■.■ :,-'■:; ':,. icvseiii tli«r tt.mpl»m» 
. ^ .- V -■ lu-' iMii*i-iii mflli- ilwTce rf 

■.;.:.:.--.:i.:.> i^.'i.^ li^^m. to perfonao 
:-T.^: ;. T^i! , TiJii His iUiestr doth 

»■■" far.-T^. (if. and doth oom- 
, ■. :rT ViT:r<i fciid Chappelliy of 
•=-.:j: 'c>Ci«n-jT titea tLereof, all 
.ci .c E-tT rt-m(*rae- miiT apply 

•ir' ir»3 a irorte may 
J.1I irc">i aitions. doth 
.-.-^:crti nw. but the 
isv-rre thf same, aiid 
- ,sll ixmiJEiie. which 
:;jdrtiTi-'-nT TO diorten 
:ai. Tlu on The part 
L Acd ihat if »ny 
k* Tiice* aprt*meiitB 
s (if tQiw shall bo 
ifi^TT iif his offence, 
t i:itT Iv wamfd and 
r*:-ST:^ i^suivcd. aa on 
i-ciiiitw atocirdiDg to 
Ki rrTsnd ihos* wfco 
■-^v. .\±_-.,w^ Kwnding ioth«T 
Kxs- Y >... '.: ik£l iJm£« God to 

IT **T of Ortobar ia 









October 27th, 1644. 

The Royal cause had not been at all prosperous in the Winter 
^f 1643-4, and the Spring entered with no better project. 

In May, 1644, the Parliamentary armies left London, and 
inarched — the one, under Essex, to Windsor, and the other, 
under Waller, to Hartford Bridge, intending to beat up the 
gallant Marquis of Winchester at Basing. The King then with- 
arew his garrison from Reading, and proposed to make a stand 
at Abingdon; but, on Essex's approach, Abingdon was evacuated; 
and he garrisoned it for the Parliament, and threw troops into 
Newbury also, which a few weeks previously had been occupied 
by the King's forces; so that before the end of May the Parlia- 
ment were the masters of all this part of Berkshire, except 
Donnington Castle. 

In the Summer of 1644 the war swayed northward; and on 
the 2nd of July was fought the first momentous battle of the 
Civil War, that of Marston Moor. 

Since this victory had secured the North for the Parliament, 
the main stress of the war had been in the Midlands and South- 
west, where Essex and Waller, the two parliamentary generals, 
then were. After co-operating for some time against tne King 
in the Midlands, those two generals had separated in June. 
Essex persisted in undertaking the expedition against Prince 
Maurice and his royalists in the South-west, which service the 
Parliament had designed for Waller. The latter remained in 
the Midlands, where a check sustained by him at Cropredy 
Bridge, on the borders of Oxfordshire, on June 29th (three days 
before the battle of Marston Moor), had enabled the King to 
follow Essex into the South-west, with the intention of joining 
his nephew Prince Maurice and crushing Essex by superior force. 

Essex, instead of turning back to fight the King, as he wished, 
was urged by Lord Roberts (or Robartes), a man described by 
Clarendon as of an impetuous disposition and full of contradic- 
tions, to push into Cornwall,* in which extremely loyal County, 

* During the Hebellion the mainstay of th« throne was in the "West and North, 
especiaUj in Wales, Devon, and ComwaU. The famous Generals GrenviHe, 
Godolphin, Trevannion, and Slanning were caUed **the wheels of Charles's 
wain." They were, says Frince in his "Worthies of Devon," all fllain at op 
near the same plaoe, at the same time, and in the same cause. 


the King and Prince Maurice having joined their forces, he 
found himself cooped up in August, in the most precarious 
condition. To send Waller to his comrade's relief, with a newly 
equipped army, was then the strenuous effort of the Parliament; 
and, as, to complicate matters, Prince Rupert was sure to 
move southward, it became a necessary part of their plan that 
Lord Manchester's armv should come out of its quarters in the 
Eastern Counties, and mllow Waller's route westward.* Colonel 
Middleton was also dispatched with a force of 3,000 or 4,000 
horse and foot to harass the King's rear. He had orders to 
reduce, on his way, Donnington Castle, the residence of Mr. 
John Packer, which, on account of its commanding the great 
road by which the western trade was carried to London, had 
been garrisoned and fortified by order of the King shortly after 
the First Battle of Newbury, the previous year, and Colonel Boys 
appointed its governor. Ihe following Commission^ is without 
subscription, but undoubtedly refers to the appointment of this 
stauncn supporter of the Royal Cause to the command of the 
fortress: — "Charles R. Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you 
well. Whereas we have thought fit, for the defence and security 
of this part of our County of Berks, to leave a suflScient number 
of soldiers in Donnington Castle, we have made choice of your 
foot and of the dragooners of Sir Robt. Howard. WTierefore our 
will and pleasure is that you forthwith repair with the said forces 
unto the said Castle, there to continue and keep the same for our 
use, and to command all the oflScers and soldiers therein as you 
shall find fit for our service. And for your so doing, these 
shall be your sufficient warrant. Given under our sign-manual 
at our Cfourt at Newbury this 22nd Sept. 1643." As to the 
supplies, it is recorded that "Donnington Castle hath three 
Hundreds out of which he (the Grovemour) weekly receives con- 
tribucion, viz*-, Kimbry [Kintbury] Eagle 20 parishes, Faire- 
Crosse 14 parishes, and Compton 8 parishes, besides Newbery is 
in too. Tnese found him beds and weekely payment for the 
building the workes, which cost about £1,000. Faire-Crosse 
Hundred paid about £60 per weeke.'*J The main element of 
defence of this little fortress was its massive gate-house, with 
barbican and portcullis, and the extensive series of earthworks 
constructed by Boys, and thickly planted with his heaviest guns. 
The remainder of the structure with its subordinate towers and 
curtain-walls had, as Camden says, " windows on all sides, very 
lightsome," and was unable to offer much resistance to an artillery 
attack at near distance. It was more especially owing to the 

* See ** Manchester's Quarrel with Cromwell." Camden Soc, pp. Imi. lix. 
t "Warburton's "Prince Rupert," vol. ii. p. 814. 
t Symond's ** Diary," p. 144. 


OcTWOEKS OF Defence. 


marvellous prowess of Sir John and his brave little band that 
the old castle held out so well as it did. 

The operations of Middleton before Donnington Castle are 
mentioned in the following terms in "The True Informer" from 
Saturday, Aug. 10th, to Saturday, Aug. 17th, 1644. "On 
Monday, July 29th, Lt.-Genl. Middleton came before Donning- 
ton Castle with between 3,000 and 4,000 horse and foot. At 
their entrance into Newbury they took divers of the stragglers 
of Donnington Castle, and on Wednesday morning drew up 
both horse and foot against the Castle, and without summons 
fell on a barn,* wherein the Governor of the Castle had placed 
some musquetiers, which our guards gained, beat the enemy, 
and took divers of them prisoners, after which the General sent 
a summons to the Governor, in these words; — 'Sir, I demand 
you to render me Donnington Castle for the use of the King 
and Parliament. If you please to entertain a present treaty 
you shall have honourable terms. My desire to spare blood 
makes me propose this. I desire your answer. John Middleton.' 
'Sir,' answered Boys, 'I am instructed by His Majesty's express 
commands, and have not yet learned to obey any other than my 
Sovereign. To spare blood, do as you please, but myself and those 
who are with me are fully resolvea to venture ours in maintaining 
what we are entrusted with, which is the answer of John Boys. 
Donnington Castle, July 31, 1644.' After this answer received, 
the said Lieutenant-General drew up his foot with scaling ladders 
and other provisions, dividing themselves into three several 
places, at last the enemy fired the bame, whereupon our soldiers 
who were in it came forth, and the rest, in regard that they had 
not great pieces to batter the Castle, retreated with the loss of 
6 common soldiers and a Lieutenant, concerning whom the 
Governor of the Castle (considering he had gott a great prize, 
though he lost three persons) sent a Drum to the Lt.-Genl. with 
this message. 'For Lt.-Generall Middleton. Sir, Christian 
charity requires* me to give you notice that I have many bodies 
of yours, which I cannot accommodate with Christian burial, as 
likewise many of your wounded men which I know not how to 
dispose of. This I thought good to give you notice of, that you 
might take some course for them accordingly. Your Servant, 
John Boys. Donnington Castle, July 31, 1644.' To which 
message the Lt.-Generall sent this answer — 'I conceive no in- 
herient holinesse to be in any place or buriall, for all earth is fit 
for that use. In that you say you have no accommodation for 
our wounded men, who are your prisoners, if you please to 
exchange them, quality for quality, I shall take it a curtesie done 
to. Sir, Your Servant, Jno. Middleton.'" On the following 

* The Bom belonging to Doimiiigton Castle is still represented by a portion 
standing in the Gastle Farm. 


Monday morning, the Castle being recommended by the Parlia- 
ment to Major-General Brown, Governor of Abingdon and 
Commander of the Forces of the Associated Counties of Oxon, 
Berks, and Bucks, Middleton proceeded to join Essex in the 
West; but on his way he was met and routed by Sir Francis 
Doddinffton and Sir William Courtney, and compelled to retreat 
to Sherborne in Dorsetshire, where he fell upon a party of the 
King's horse, and, putting them to flight, repaired his credit by 
their overthrow. 

The Earl of Manchester with his army arrived at Huntingdon 
on the 8th of September. By that time, however, the fate of 
Essex in Cornwall had been decided. Before relief could reach 
him he had been obliged to make his own escape by sea to 
Plymouth, on his way to London, leaving the mounted troops, 
under Sir William Balfour, to cut their way eastward as they 
could, and his foot, under Major-General Skippon, to negotiate 
terms of surrender, which were agreed to on September 1st. The 
news of Essex's defeat reached Manchester at Huntingdon, whence, 
on the 8th of September, he wrote to the Derby-House Committee,* 
expressing his condolence over the sad event, — "The Lord's arm," 
he adds, "is not shortened, though we be much weakened. I 
trust he will give us a happy recovery. I shall with all speed I can 
march in observance of your former orders." Manchester was now 
instructed to march westward for Abingdon with all possible ex- 
pedition, and to send advertisement of his progress as he advanced. 

The activity and firmness of the Parliament at first caused the 
King to slacken his movements. He addressed a pacific message to 
the Houses; and, for three weeks, contented himself with appearing 
before Plymouth, Lyme, and Portsmouth, which did not surrender. 
Towards the end oi September, however, he learnt that Montrose, 
who had long since promised him civil war in Scotland, had at 
last succeeded, and was already obtaining one triumph after 
another. In a fortnight he had gained two battles (at Tipper- 
muir, Sept. 1, and at Dee Bridge, Sept. 12), occupied Perth, taten 
Aberdeen by storm, raised most of the northern clans, and spread 
fear to the very ^ates of Edinburgh. On hearing these news, 
Charles flatterea himself that the disaster of Marston Moor was 
repaired, that Parliament would soon find in the North a powerful 
adversary, and that he himself might without fear proceed to 
follow up his successes in the South. He resolved to march 
upon London; and, to give his expedition a popular and decisive 
appearance, a proclamation, sent forth in every direction at the 
moment of his departure, invited all his subjects of the South 

* The Derby-House Committee consisted, for the English Parliament, of seven 
selected Peers and fourteen selected Commoners. Essex, Manchester, "Waller, 
and Cromwell were of the EnRUsh part of this Committee. Derby House, 
Cannon Bow, Westminster, being the meeting-place of the Committee, it 
received the name of the ** Derby-House Committee." 


and East to rise in arms, choose officers for themselves, and, 
joining him on his way, march with him to summon the Parlia- 
ment at length to accept peace * 

Prince Rupert on the 3rd of October had left the King for 
Bristol; and the latter promised not to engage until the Prince 
returned to him with remforcements of Langdale's and Gerrard's 
troops. On the 11th, however, the pressing necessities of his 
four gallant garrisons at Basing, Donnington, Portland, and Ban- 
bury, induced him to put his army in motion; and on that day 
he thus writes to his Nephew from Blandford: — 

The King to Prince Rupert. 

" Nephew, [In cipher.] 

I am advertised by a dispatch from Secretary 
Nicholas that the Governors of Basing, Banbury, and Donnin^on 
Castle, must accommodate in case they be not relieved withm a 
few days. The importance of which place and consequently 
[illegible] hath made me resolve to begin my march on Tuesday 
towards Salisbury, where. Prince Rupert may rely upon it, the 
Kinff of England shall be, God willing, on Wednesday next, where 
I will desire Prince Rupert to come with what strength of horse 
and foot you can, and the two demi-cannons, many of my men 
being unarmed. I have sent to Bristol for musquets which I 
desire Rupert to speed to me. I desire to hear daily from you, 
and particularly when you will be with me, and which way you 
will march, and how strong you can come to 

Your loving Uncle and most faithful friend, 
Blandford, 11th Oct. 1644. Charles R."t 

If everything had happened as the King imagined, he might 
have arrived m London before the Parliament's forces could 
have joined to form a new army; but his troops, instead of 
increasing *on their march, as Charles had supposed, daily dimi- 
nished: their pay was long in arrear; the men were half-starved, 
and in want of shoes and stockings; sickness had disabled many; 
desertions were numerous; and he was obliged to make frequent 
halts in towns, to wait for money and other necessaries, which 
he found would not be supplied when he had gone.f Owing to 

* The proclamation is dated from Chard, September 30, 1644. Rushworth, 
vol. ii, 3, 715. Guizot's "Hist. Eng. Reform.,»' p. 244. 

t Warburton's "Prince Rupert," vol. iii, pp. 26—27. 

% The King's army about this time consisted of 5,500 foot and 4,000 horse. 
Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 541. The royalist forces, being supported by voluntary 
contributions, were poorly paid ; whereas the pay of the Parliament was very 
good, especially that for the officers ; but soon after the breaking out of the War 
an ordinance was passed, wherein it was enacted that aU officers of the Earl of 
Essex's army, whose pay amounted to lOs. a day and upwards, should only 
receive half their pay, the other half being x)ostponed until the troubles should 
be over. Horses at this time were valued at about £4; they had been as cheap 
as 30s. and 50s. Oats were 1/6 a bushel, and 12/- a quarter; peas and beans 2/" 
a bushel. Hay 5d. the tod; and grass-feed 2/6 a week. £i 1655 wheat wa» 
33/- and malt 20/- a quarter. 


these delays, the King did not reach Salisbury till the 15th of 
October, six weeks after the surrender of the Parliamentarians at 
Lostwithiel; and, instead of proceeding toward London, as was at 
first intended, he decided to direct his march to Oxford, relieving 
his distressed garrisons on the way. Before this could be accom- 

?lished, however, he had to meet the combined army of the 
arliament at Newbury. 

While the King was advancing from Cornwall, news had come 
to Oxford that the gallant old Marquis of Winchester — 

**He who in impious times untainted stood, 
And midst rebellion durst be just and good,'* 

was so hard pressed at Basing that he must surrender in ten 
days if no relief came. Sir Arthur Aston, the governor at 
Oxford, declared, that the dangers of the relief were more than 
any soldier who understood command would expose himself to, 
and that he could not suffer any of the small garrison under his 
charge to be hazarded in the attempt; but Colonel Gage, who 
had lately come from the English regiment in Flanders, a 
worthier servant than whom the King did not possess, offered to 
take the command, and hoped to give a good account of it, if the 
Lords then at Oxford would enlist their servants, and raise a 
good troop or two of horse. Col. Hawkins' regiment, having 
opportunely come into Oxford, was raised to 400 by volunteers, 
and, with 250 horse, was placed under Gage's command. With 
this small force he threaded his way through bye roads to 
Wallinfi^ord and Aldermaston, and thence to Basing, where, on 
the 14th of September, he attacked and beat off the besiegers, 
levied arms and provisions in Basingstoke and the neighbouring 
villages, relieved the garrison, and then, though tne whole 
country was up, came back to Oxford on the sixth day with 100 
prisoners.* It was agreed in all sides that a more soldierly action 
had not been performed during the war. Col. Gage was knighted 
for this and other gallant services, in the Presence Chamber, at 
Christ-Church, Oxford, Nov. 2, 1644; but the brave Colonel did 
not long enjoy his distinction, being slain at Culham Bridge, near 
Abingdon, the following January. 

On the King's arrival at Salisbury (15 Oct.), he was informed 
that the Parliament had made preparations to intercept his 
march; that Waller with his troops lay at Andover; that Man- 
chester had advanced as far as Keading with 5,000 horse and 
foot and 24 pieces of ordnance ; and that the London Trained 
Bands, consisting of the red and blue regiments of the City of 

* In the year 1839, in digging a grave in the nave of Ewhurst Church, on the 
Basingstoke road, near Kingsclere, the remains of two soldiers, with portions of 
military ornaments, were found at a shallow depth. These interments had the 
appearance of having been hastily conducted ; and were supposed to have been 
the bodies of officers slain in a skirmish in the neighbourhood during the opera- 
tions before Basing. 


London, the red regiment of Westminster, the yellow regiments 
of Southwark and the Tower-Hamlets, making in all about 5,000 
men, commanded by Sir James Harrington, were beginning their 
march to join him. The Earl of Essex's army, newly organized 
and e(juipped, was near Portsmouth, as well as those troops 
returnmg from the West under Colonel Middleton; and these 
were expecting orders to join the other forces. 

If the King had utilized this information, and hastened his 
march to Oxford, he might have brought this year's campaign to 
a conclusion, which was the more reasonable, because he had 
received letters from Prince Rupert, in which he stated that it 
was impossible for him to bring up his troops so soon as the 
King expected. Had such a determination been formed, Don- 
nington Castle and Banbury might both at a seasonable time 
have been relieved. But misfortune always attended the 
movements of the unhappy Monarch. He was too easily led. 
John Milton thus describes the King's fatal peculiarity: — 
"Whether with his enemies or friends, in the Court or Camp, 
he was always in the hands of another; now of his Wife, then of 
the Bishops ; now of the Peers, then of the Soldiery; and lastly 
of his enemies: for the most part, too, he followed the worse 
counsel, and most always of the worser men." ("Iconoclastes.^*) 
In this instance Lord Uoring who did not wish Prince Rupert 
to join in these operations, urgently advised the King to march 
against Waller, who was, at that time, with about 3,000 horse and 
foot, at Andover, and at some little distance from the bulk of the 
Parliament's forces. A Council of War was held, and the King 
at last yielded; the ostensible object being to cut off Waller 
before he could effect a junction with Essex and Manchester, 
and thus the more readily to advance the relief of Basing and 
Donnington Castle. 

The cannon which the royalists had taken from Essex in 
Cornwall had been left at Exeter. The larger guns then with the 
forces were ordered to be sent to the garrison at Langford House, 
near Salisbury; the remainder of the artillery and baggage- 
waggons were placed at Wilton House. The Royal army was 
drawn up in Clarendon Park, and guards were posted at all the 
entrances to the City of Salisbury, to prevent information of the 
King's purpose being spread about. This succeeded so well that 
the royalists reached within four miles of Andover before Waller 
had any notion of their movements. On the enemy's approach 
he drew out his whole force, as though disposed to fignt; on 
perceiving the King's strength, however, he drew back into the 
town, leaving a body of cavalry to make good his retreat; but 
the King's troops charged furiously, and effected a complete 
rout, pursuing the Parliamentarians through the town of Andover, 
giving no quarter. Waller, nevertheless,made good his retreat 
to Ba^gstoke. " It was a greate mercy of Qoa" says Sir W. 


Waller in his "Recollections," "when the King came upon m^ 
with his whole army at Andover, and I had nothing but a mere 
body of horse and dragooners with me, I made a faire retreate to 

. This affair is thus recorded by Capt, Symonds, who was then 
with the King's Army, "Friday, 18 Oct,, 1644. His Majestie, 
&c. left Sarum and marched towards Andevor, Generall Goringe 
raysed a forlome of horse, consisting of about 200 gentlemen, who 
were spare commanders of horse, beate them out of Andevor, 
took Carr, a Scot colonell, and another captain, a Scott, that died, 
who a little before his death rose from under the table, saying he 
would not dye like a dog under a table, but sate downe upon a 
chayre, and ymediatly dyed of his wounds. Tooke about 80 
prisoners, followed the chase of them two miles, who all ran in 
great confusion. Had not night come so soone, it might have 
been made an end of Waller's army, for our intention was to* 
engage them, but they disappointed our hopes by their heeles." * 

On the 14th of October, Lieut.-General Oliver Cromwell, who 
had been in the neighbourhood of Banbury, and present at the 
latter part of the siege with a detachment of horse, joined at 
Reading the army of uie Earl of Manchester, who for more than 
a fortnight had been lying idle there, finding excuse after excuse 
for not marching furtner west. On the 16th, the Earl, after a 
consultation with Waller, marched from Reading to Basingstoke; 
and on the 21st his forces, united with those of Essex and 
Waller, near Basing, consisted of about 11,000 foot and 8,000 
horse and dragoons, "f- Such a force, both in respect of numbers 
and composition, had not as yet been formed under one leader 
since the commencement of tne war. To the chief command of 
this army, magnificent for the period, the Earl of Manchester, 
in the absence of the Earl of Essex, was nominated. Cromwell 
retained as before the rank of General of Horse. The whole, 
wound up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, prepared to 
advance against the King. 

The Derby-House Committee had by this time sent two of 
their number, namely the Scottish representative, Sir Archibald 
Johnston, of Warriston, and the English, Mr. John Crewe, to 
see that all possible advantages should be taken against the 
enemy, and to prevent any contention between the chief officers 
as to the command, and other matters. These two civilians met 
Manchester at Basingstoke. 

At this time a difference of opinion existed in the Parlia- 
mentary camp as to the best course of action. Cromwell and 

* Symonds' ** Diary," p. 141. 

t ** That after this conjunction, wee being at Basing, neare 11,000 foote and 
about 8,000 horse and dragoones, and the King with not above 10,000 horse and 
foote." Cromweirs evidence from the ** Information against the Earl of Man- 
chester ; " . Public Record Office. 


some of tlie other generals urged a direct interception of tho 
royal army; but Manchester, who seemed disposed to give the 
King every chance, resolved to march back to Reading, with the 
object (as he states in his defence) of making the attack from the 
north, or left bonk of the Kennet. Cromwell's evidence partly 
bears out this view: — ^**'0n Tuesday, 22nd Oct., it being agreed 
(as we thought) to march towards him [the King] or to interpose 
betwixt him and Redding, about Aldermaston Heath, and our 
horse marching before to the heath, our foot struck down to 
Swallowfield, and thence next day to Redding, as if we had 
declined to fight, and thus making fewer days march from 
Basingstoke to Newbery (which might have been little more 
than one t'other way), wee gave the King opportunity to have 
got cleare to Oxford (if hee would) w^ithout fighting; and, stay- 
ing there, he had thereby time to fortify himself against our 
approaches to Newberry.* 

The Earl of Manchester further states in his "Narrative of the 
Campaign:" "For the subsistence of the armies at Basingstoke it 
was concluded to march to Redding, and so come uppon the 
other side of the Kennet uppon the enemy, and to forse tne King 
to fight, notwithstanding the enemy being in their strengthe. 
My Lord of Essex beeing in Redding leaft sicke." 

Nor were the Royalists at all clear as to the strength and 
intentions of the Parliamentarians, as the following extract from 
a letter to Prince Rupert from Lord Digby shews:— "Wee may 
promise ourselves a very happy conclusion of this summer's 
warre, for now we know the worst of the Rebells forces. Essex, 
Manchester, and Waller, and the Trained Bands newly come out 
of London, were all joyned yesterday, and by all intelligence of 
those who hath seen them at their rendezvous do not muster in 
all [cypher] foot and [. ] horse, of which the only consider- 
able ones are Cromwell's. His Majesty, over and above what 
your Highness knows of, hath [here the forces are enumerated in 
cypher]. It seems the Rebells begin to apprehend themselves 
too encounter us, for our intelligence this morning is 
that they have retreated to Reading. Believe it is for their feares, 
and the distractions in London are soe great, in all probabilitie it 
will be fatall to them. Yours, &c., Geo. Digbye. Newbery, 

23 Oct. 1644." t 

The easy success of the King's army in the affair with Waller 
at Andover so raised the spirits of his troops that they were 
eager to engage the combined forces of the Parliament; but, as 
Clarendon sagely remarks, "The King did not wisely seek the 
opportunity." It was, however, resolved to attempt the relief of 

* CromweU's Evidence, from the ''Information against the Earl of Manchester,*' 
State Papers ; PubUc Record Office. 

t AddL MSS. Brit. Mus., No. 18980. 


the closely besieged garrisons of Donnington Castle, Basing, and 
Banbury oefore going into quarters at Oxford for the winter; 
and, for this purpose, orders were dispatched for the guns and 
baggage, which had been left at Langford and Wilton, to be at 
once sent forward. 

On Saturday the 19th of October, the King advanced from 
Andover to Whitchurch, where he was to remain until his 
General Lord Brentford, who was behind, and the Earl of 
Cleveland, who had been detained with the siege of Portland, 
should come up with the remainder of his force. On Sunday, a 
party of horse was dispatched to relieve Donnington Castle; and 
returned the next morning. On Monday night, Oct. 21, 1644, a 
spy in the service in the rarliament returned to the camp with 
the following intelligence; — "His Majesty's army was in Whit- 
church all Sunday night; and that town was full of soldiers, both 
horse and foot, but their train of artillerv was not there, only 
some few wagons belonging to Officers. That their train stood 
on Andover downes, within two miles of Whitchurch or there- 
abouts. The King was last nieht [Sunday] at Whitchurch, but 
by some reported to be at Wincnester, and by others at Andover. 
The last night, about 8 of the clock, went out about 4000 horse 
out of Whitchurch to give an alarm, and returned this morning 
about break of day. [This was the party which was sent to 
relieve Donnington Castle.] Yesterday it was ordered that the 
train should be drawn up to Whitchurch Downes, but was 
hindered by the wet weather, and so staid two miles short. And 
that this aay [Monday] the rendezvous was to be kept upon 
Sevenborough [Seven Barrows]: the drums beat up at Whit- 
church at break of day. This day about 8 o'clock there stood at 
Whitclear [? Whitway or Highclere] a great body of horse, as he 
conceiveth to be 2,000, on tnis side Sevenborough. That about 
12 o'clock there were going to Kingsclere some empty carts, 
accompanied with some troops of horse, which carts be supposed 
were to carry provisions that were summoned to be brougnt to 
Donnington Castle. [These apjparently were the empty carts 
returning from the Castle.] That it is generally reported the 
King quarters at Donnington the next night. Carnages were 
warned at Bawgus [Baugnurst] and the parishes adjacent, to 
appear this morning at Whitchurch. From Newbury, that great 
provisions of victuals are made, and all towns adjoining, for the 
army, which is expected there this night. That a great party 
from Oxford and Wallingford is to be there to meet the King's 
forces this night." * 

On Monday, the 21st October, the whole army moved on to 

id-waj between Basing and Newbury, 
position from which to attempt the 

Kingsclere, which, bein^ mid-waj between Basing and Newbury, 
was considered a suitable positio 

* "The Parliamentary Scout," 24 to 31 Oct. 1644. 


relief of the former place. This position having been found too 
much exposed for an army threatened by an enemy so much 
superior m cavalry, the embarrassed royalists, after a night's 
halt, proceeded on their march to Newbury; a general rendezvous 
being appointed on Bed Heath, on the south side of the town, 
the head-quarters of the horse being in the town of Newbury, 
with an advanced post on the Lamboum at Welford.* On the 
King's arrival at the camp on Red Heath, he was welcomed by 
the brave Governor of Donnington Castle, Col. Boys, who received 
the honour of knighthood from his Majesty for his valiant 
defence of Donnington, and was made Colonel of the regiment 
which he had before commanded as Lieut.-Col. to Earl Bivers, 
who was nominally the chief governor of the Castle. 
A messenger having brought to the King at Newbury intelli- 

fence of the exhausted condition of the garrison at Banbury, 
lOrd Northampton was dispatched on Thursday, 24th Oct., from 
the camp with 1500 horse for the relief of Banbury Castle, which 
for thirteen weeks had been gallantly defended by the Earl's 
brother. Sir William Compton. That night he quartered at 
Farnborough, and the next day near Woodstock, where the Earl 
was joined by Col. Gage with a reriment of foot and some horse 
from Oxford. Thence the united force advanced to Banbury, 
routed Col. Fiennes, and raised the siege. Thus the relief of 
Banbury was successfully accomplished. The very day after this 
service had been so well performed, however. Col. Sir John Hurry, 
who has been previously mentioned as a renegade, seized the 
opportunity to consummate a second act of treachery. Under 

Sretence of retiring to the Continent, he obtained leave to with- 
raw from the royal army (in which it is probable he considered 
his services not sufficiently valued); and, availing himself of his 
pass, hastened to the Earl of Manchester's army and betrayed the 
unprovided condition and diminished numbers of the King. 
The immediate consequence of this intelligence was the Second 
Battle of Newbury. 

Returning to Donnington Castle. — After the departure of 
Middleton, Colonel Horton (Lt.-Col. of Lord Wharton's regiment), 
who is described as Adjutant-General to Major-General Brown, 
was left to blockade the castle. Having effectually guarded all 
the avenues leading to the stout little stronghold, so that no 
succour could get to its relief, he summoned Boys to surrender, 
but met with defiance. Accordingly, having received reinforce- 
ments from Abingdon, Windsor, and Reading, he commenced to- 
lay close siege to the Castle, and raised a battery "at the foot of 
the hill towards Newbury." f In a twelve days' cannonade he 

* **The manor belonging to Mr. "HiBton Jure uxoria; a faire habitacion, com. 
Berks." Symonds' *Diary,' p. 143. 

t Traces of this battery can stiU be discerned in the meadows on the south 
side of the road leading from Donnington to Speen. It is shown on the Plan. 



beat down three of the south towers and part of the curtain- 
wall. Having received another contingent, Horton then sum- 
moned the Castle a second time, in the following terms: — ■ 
"Sir, We have formerly testified our clemency in tendring 
you quarter upon your surrender of the Castle for the use of 
the King and Parliament, and now again we, being desirous 
(notwithstanding our increase of powers) to manifest our mercy, 
do hereby once for all freely offer yourself and men free quarter 
in case you yield the Castle, for the use aforesaid, before Wednes- 
day next at 10 of the clock in the forenoon, and further we here 
testifie (in the presence of God) that if this our favour be not 
accepted and the Castle surrendered, there shall be no active 
man amongst you have his life, if God shall ever please to yield 
them to our mercy. Yours, Jeremy Horton." To which 
Col. Boys replied: — "Sir, Neither your new addition of forces, 
nor your high threatning language, shall deter me, or the rest of 
these honest men with me, from our loyalty to our sovereign, 
but we do resolve to maintain this place to the uttermost of our 
powers, and for the matter of quarter, yours may expect the like 
on Wednesday or sooner if you please. This is the answer of, 
Sir, Your servant, Jno. Boys." 

Upon this second denial, Manchester himself came to Newbury 
on Friday, October 4th, and, getting another refusal, resolved to 
storm the castle on Wednesoay, October 9th; but his men not 
being willing for the work, the proposed assault was abandoned, 
and Manchester returned to Reading, giving orders, however, for 
the siege to be continued. This was conducted with ordnance of 
a fairly heavy calibre. Symonds, in his "Diary," thus refers to 
the garrison at this time: — " The men within the Castle were the 
Earl of Rivers' regiment, about 200 [foot] and 25 horse, 4 peices 
of cannon. The enemy made a great open battery, with their 
hundreds of 36lb bullets, toto a 500 and odd bullets, most of them 
361b., some 61b, some 12lb." Doubtless there were other guns 
used by besiegers and the besieged; and it may be interesting 
here to give some particulars as to the capacity of the Artillery 
at this period,* thus — 



of Shot. 








Cannon Royal . . 






Oiilverin . . 






Demi-culverin . . 

















Drakes . . . . < 

Harried a ball from 4 to 6 lb., and were 

used as light field-artillery. 

* See Monson's "Tracts," p. 342. 



There were also guns termed "Basilisks" after that mythic 
creature ; they were 48-pounders. Such a one is called " a 
warning piece" in Vicars* account of the siege of Bristol. 
"Falcons with 6lb. shots, and "Falconets" with 3, 2, and lib.; 
"Peteraroes" for throwing stones, &c. 

The day after Manchester's departure the besiegers removed 
their guns "to the other side of the Castle," that is, to 
Snelsmore Heath. Here the trenches constructed by the Par- 
liamentarians are still very distinctly traceable, as shown on 
the Plan. The line of fire from this position was somewhat 
oblique; and this to some extent accounts for the preservation 
of the towers of the Gate-house. An attempt was made to 
approach the walls by saps;* but, this being perceived by 
Boys, the garrison made a sortie, and beat the enemy out of 
their trenches, killing the chief in command of the party and 
many soldiers: and they brought away the "cannon-baskets," with 
a large quantity of arms and ammunition. Though much dis- 
heartened, the Parliament-men went on with their approaches, 
and continued bombarding the Castle until Friday, 18th October; 
and then, hearing of the advance of the King's army, they drew 
off their ordnance and retired. In nineteen days (12 at Speen 
and 7 at Snelsmore) they had spent over 1000 rounds on the 
impregnable little castle with very little hurt to its defenders. 
Horton and his men retired towards Abingdon, and the Windsor 
force to Newbury ; while Manchester's detachment fell back on 
Reading. The " Mercurius Aulicus" of Oct. 15th, 1644, contains 
some curious information as to the siege and defence of the 
Castle. The following is an extract : — " Such was Col. Horton's 
great mercy that the day before the Governor and his men were 
to dye (in case they did not surrender) they sent Master Fogge, 
Horton's Chaplain, with a letter which Fogge had procured from 
Mistris Fleetwood, in Newbury, to her husband. Dr. Fleetwood,f 
Chaplain to Earl Kivers* regiment (to whom Col. Boys is Lt.-Col.), 
and this letter Fogge brought to Dr. Fleetwood in the Castle, 
wherein Mistris Fleetwood wrote — ' that if the Castle did refuse 
Col. Horton's mercy, they were all lost men,' and therefore desired 
her husband and the rest to prepare themselves (and indeed so 

* Saps, that is, trenches made imder cover from the fire of the enemy's place, 
behind a mantelet or stuffed gabion. Mantelets on wheels were used during the 
Civil War. 

t Dr. James Fleetwood, son of Sir George Fleetwood, was made D.D., in 1642, 
at Oxford \>j the Blng*s special command for the good services he had done him 
at the battle of Edgehill. Upon the Restoration he was the first person that was 
sworn Chaplain-in- Ordinary to Charles II.; when he was also made Provost of 
King's College, Rector of Anstey in Hertfordshire, and of Denham in Bucks. 
In 1675, he was consecrated Bishop of Worcester. He died in 1683, in the 
eighty-first year of his age. 

There was a James Fleetwood, S.T.P., Rector of Shaw, near Newbury, shortly 
after the Restoration, which living he resigned in March 1660-61. It is highly 
probable that this is the person referred to in the ''Mercurius Aulicus." 


they did, to shew themselves gallant men). This letter, yon mnst 
know, the poor gentlewoman was forced to write to her husband, 
tho* Fogge had the wording of it, and to make the pageantry 
more complete, CoL Horton pretends a great imwillingness to let 
any such letter passe into tne Castle, and therefore sends this 
note to Fogge, on purpose also to be commimicated: — ^'Mr. Fogge, 
At the earnest sute of Mrs. Fleetwood I am instructed to permit 
the passage of this letter into the Castle by your hands, hereby 
requiring you to testifie to all therein (if the Governor will 
permit it) that if they please to come fortn before tomorrow at 
9 o'clock in the forenoon they may have faire quarter, otherwise 
according to my solemn vow they may expect no favour. 
Jeremy Horton. This poor preaching was easily discerned by 
Col. Boys, who read it ana scorned it." The "Mercurius Aulicus" 
adds, that "Manchester also gave orders to an imfortunate 
brother of Col. Boys (who was a Captain in Manchester's army) 
to write to the Governor, to assure him that, if he would 
surrender the Castle, he should not only have all honourable 
conditions, but freely be admitted to his house, and possess his 
estate quietly, in Kent;* and, if he would come forth and capi- 
tulate, ne should do it safely; if not, [to demand] that his brother 
might be permitted to come to him into the castle, to inform him 
further of nis Lordship's intention. To whom the Governor made 
answer; — That neither the Earl of Manchester and all his forces 
should deter him from his fidelity and loyalty to his Sovereign, 
neither would he entertain any manner of parley concerning tne 
delivery up of the place, which he was resolved to maintain to 
his last drop of blood." 

A letter, written by Chaplain Fogge, -f* respecting the siege, 
is given in the "London Post" of Oct. 23rd, 1644. It is 
to tnis effect:— "Sir, These are to certifie to you that Sir Miles 
Hobart's regiment is here at Newbery, where we had almost 

* Sir John Boy's estate was at Boncington in Kent: it was seized and seqnes- 
trated by the Parliament. 

t When Prince Rupert took Bolton, and put so many to the sword, the Bey. 
Robert Fogge had a narrow escape Having set his man to wait with two horses 
at a certain place, he determined, if the town was taken, t© ride for his life ; but 
when he ccmie thither, the man and his horses were gone. He happened, how- 
ever, to meet with another horse ; or else he would have been killed, for the 
Prince had a particular aim at him. In the war-time he married his second 
wife, who proved to be a papist. Her sons were in the King's service, and much 
enraged against their father-in-law. One of them sent him a chsQlenge. He 
took his sword under his coat and met him, and so humbled the joung man that 
he was glad to be reconciled. Fogge died at Nantwich in April, 1676, aged 80. 
(Palmer's ** Nonconformists' Memorial," vol. ii, p. 604.) Fogge's son Bowland 
subscribed to the Declaration in 1665, and ultimately became Dean of Chester. 
One of the Rev. Mr. Fogge's family, a certain Captain Fogge, directed the 
plundering of St. George's Chapel, Windsor. The numerous gold vessels, whidi 
the munificence and piety of successive Sovereigns and Knights-of-the-Garter 
had here consecrated to religiaus uses, were said to have been exquisitely wrought 
and to have weighed 3580 ounces. 


brought Donnington Castle down to the ground by the active 
endeavours of General-Adjutant Colonell Horton. But Lieut.- 
Gen. Brown called him and his force away, and the gunnes are 
taken off* and carried to Beading, and here is only one regiment 
and some of Col. Montague's, and 2 or 3 troops of horse; yet we 
keep them in the Castle, and if we might have gunnes and 
furniture, I would undertake we could have the Castle in a week. 
* * * The town of Newbery and the country adjacent cry out 
they must fall if we go and let the Castle stand. I wish the Com- 
mittee were well informed concerning it. I dare say it is a place of 
such consequence as they would not lose the opportunity to gayne 
it, considering it is sore battered, and one breach in it that many 
may enter abreast. Truely two or three fire-balls or granadoes 
shot into it would make it ours. The Lord guide the state and be 
with you and us all.* Yr humble servt., B. F." [Bobert Fogge]. 

Before proceeding further, it will be necessary to give an outline 
of the position of the royal army on the morning of Saturday, the 
26th of October. The Koyalist strength is said by the "True In- 
former" of Oct. 26, to have been about 13,000, "whereof 7000 foot 
are most of them very poore for want of cloaths, which is 
provided for them, but are not used for fear they should 
run away, or should be lost in battle." The King despised 
his late antagonist, Waller ; and, having little apprehension of an 
attack, was ignorant of the strength of the enemy gathering 
around him. He remained quietly at Newbury, resolving to 
await the Earl of Northampton's return from Banbury, in order 
to relieve Basing, But the Earl's absence together with that 
of the troops under Prince Bupert, who was ' detained at 
Bristol endeavouring to raise a sufficient force to come to 
the King's assistance frustrated this plan. Upon the near 
approach of the Parliamentary army, the King, finding it too 
late to attempt a retreat to Oxford, was compelled to fight, 
contrary to his promise and inclination. He determined, how- 
ever, as in the lormer action, to act only on the defensive. On 
Friday, 25th October, he therefore drew his army into "the fields 
between Donnington Castle and Newbury," thinking it wisest to 
await an attack, and to try the issue of a general action, on ground 
of his own selection; his judgment in this instance being seconded 
by an intimate knowledge of a locality where the year before he 
had met the same enemy. It is not difficult to fix the position 
occupied by the Boyal army at this time. (See Plan.) The 
fields above-mentioned were the scene of the principal part of 
the fighting after the Royalists were subsequently driven from 
Speen Hill. They extend on the West to the old highway from 

* This letter is given in Col. CSolumb's admirable little book, ^^ Donnington 
Castle; a Boyalist Story," p. 141. 


Hungerford, now called "the Backway," on the North to the 
River Lambome, and on the South to the hamlet of Speenham- 
land. The general appearance of the neighbourhood has beea 
much changed since the period of the Battle. In maps of the 
seventeenth century the old gabled houses in the Broadway 
appe ir quite in the fields. A house still standing in the present 
London Road is said to have been the Manor-house; and in the 
old maps an avenue of trees is shown leading up to it from the 
direction of the Marsh. A range of buildings near, erected on 
the site of the Lamb-and-Castle Yard, marks the traditional 
birth-j 1 ice of the famous Dr. Twisse. Newbury Marsh, opposite, 
is quite open to the old London Road, which, going somewhat 
northward, passed Shaw brick-kiln, and joined the old, or lower 
road to Thatcham. The original road from Shaw House to 
"Newbury, it is said, ran to to the west of the present fish-pond, 
and entered Speenhamland near the block of nouses which once 
formed a well-known coaching Inn,the " King's Arms." 

In the last week of October, the Royalists occupied a formid- 
able position in and about the town of Newbury, protected on 
one fiank by the River Kennet, and in some degree covered by 
the guns of Donnington Castle on the other. They strengthened 
their front with breastworks and entrenchments, and occupied in 
force several houses and gardens, which extended conveniently 
beyond the town. One house in particular (Shaw House), the 
residence of Sir Thomas Dolman, stood in a most convenient 
situation, a little in advance of the chief breastwork. In 
addition to this, there was a row of smaller houses * to the east 
of the present Rectory, which were turned to the best advantage 
for the purposes of defence. All these, as well as the gardens of 
Shaw House, which they strengthened by thick embankments, 
were filled with troops, under the command of Sir Richard Pa^e. 
At every window, battlement, and parapet, musquet and pike 
were ready for service; all the hedges and ditches swarmed with 
skirmishers; and every convenient mound was surmounted with 
one or more pieces of artillery. Sir Jacob Astley and Lt.-Col. 
Lisle kept the passage of the Lamborne at Shaw. Sir Thomas 
Hooper and Sir John Brown were placed with a strong body of 
horse and foot in the fields by the little hill on which the 
Water-tower now stands; around it a work was cast up, and 
they occupied this as well as the hedges and lane (Long Lane), 
and the old orchard above it. Colonel Thel wall, with his Keadinff 
brigade, held the gardens, and formed the reserve. Sir Bernard 
Astley's troops lay around an entrenched house in the park at 
Shaw, "between Shaw and Newbury." f Every house in the 

* These houses, caUed the ** Hop Gardens," were removed some years ago, 
and several cannon balls were found imbedded in the roofs. 

t This entrenched house formerly stood at the south-east angle of Shaw Park: 
biit was pulled down many years smce. Ck>nsiderable remains of the earthworks 
still exi»t in its vicinity, and are marked on the Plan. 


village of Shaw was occupied and fortified by the Royalists. 
In one respect alone, however, and that a verv essential point, 
their line on this side was weak. A hill (Clay Hill and the 
adjacent elevated ground), little more than a musquet-shot in 
their front, offered to an assailant every facility for the secure 
and undiscovered formation of columns of attack; and the result 
of the coming action proved that against that solitary defect 
in his position, all the other advantages possessed by the King 
could not avail. 

Prince Maurice, with his brigade of Cornish horse and two 
brigades of foot and artillery, was posted in the village of Speen 
below Speen Hill. On tne heath above Speen Hill hastily 
constructed works had been thrown up by the Royalists; and 
here were stationed part of the Cornish foot and the Duke of 
York's regiment, commanded by Sir Wm. St. Leger, with five 
pieces of artillery. The ground on which the Kind's left thus 
rested is evident enough at the present day, though the name 
of "Speen Hill" has been in later times wrongly applied to the 
well-known suburb between Newbury and the village of Speen. 
Speen Hill proper, the eminence referred to in the various 
narratives of the Battle, is the hill rising from the village of 
Speen towards Benham Park. The heath above Speen Hill, a 
portion of which remains still uncultivated, at that time 
extended over the now enclosed fields for some distance; on the 
west it skirted the Roman road from Speen to Cirencester by 
way of Wickham and Baydon, and on the south the present 
Bath Road. Sir Edward Walker thus refers to it — "At the 
entrance of the Heath, between two hedges we cast up a work 
which cleared the Heath and all the fields to the North even 
to the river [Lamborne]; to the South, within the hedge, there 
was one narrow field, and from thence a perpendicular descent 
into a Marish [Speen Moor] between that and the River Kennet. 
This was our position, wherein, had the traverse been finished 
and made down to the Marish, altho' we were inferior in 
number, yet we should have sufficiently provided to have with- 
stood their force."* Mid-way between Newbury and Speen, 
Sir Humphrey Bennett's brigade of horse was drawn up. Lastly-f- 

* Sir Edward Walker's *'Hist. Discourses," p. 111. 

t Sir Humphrey Bennet's Brigade of Horse consisted of the undermentioiied 
Kegiments. Symonds's Notes, Harl. MSS, No. 986. 

1. Eeg. Col Bennet, High-Sheriff of South"- had 9 troops in 

the field, almost full, but [only] 2 colo"- [colours]. 
Lieut. -Col Vemey, son to Sir Edm. V., who was slayno 

at EdghUl. 
S'*- Maior Richard Aldworth. 
Capt. Mr. Rob*- Smyth, brother to Colonel Smyth, who was taken 

prisoner, w*** S' Alex. Denton, at Hilsden Howse, Com. Buck. 

2. Rc^tASr. Geo. Vaughan, Colonel, ] 

Sr. Robt. Welsh, Lieut.-Colo&el, \ 80. 
but [only] 2 TroopM. 


the Kin?, with the main body of the horse and artillery, was 
stationed in the fields between Donnington Castle and Newbury; 
and this was nearly the centre of his position. 

Strong guards were placed on the south of the town, and 
detachments of horse guarded the outlying passages of the 
Lamborne at Bagnor and Boxford to check anjr advance upon 
the fords. Owing however to the want of a sufficient strength of 
cavalry, diminished by the loss of three of his best regiments 
which had been despatched to Banbury, the King was at this time 
overmatched in his favourite and usually most serviceable arm. 
He also had no effective reserve to support the scattered infantry, 
and was thus deprived both of the power of checking hostile 
reconnoitring parties and of obtaining intelligence of his 
opponent's movements. 

It will be well here to give in more detail the circumstances 
that affected the relative position of the two armies at this time, 
and led to the important results of their active opposition. 

The Parliamentarians, after a tedious and circuitous march, 
had returned to Reading, where Essex (who on Tuesday night, 
Oct. 22, with the Earl of Manchester, lay at Sir John Backhouse's, 
at Swallowfield) remained alone, despondent and inactive. 
Informed of this. Parliament charged a joint-committee to wait 
on him, and renew the assurance of its trusting affection. Essex 
thanked the Committee, but did not join the army, feeling that 
since the relief of Gloucester the day of his triumphs was over.* 

Manchester, with Waller and Cromwell, again set out to meet 
the King, and bv the 23rd of October had advanced as far as 
Aldermaston. There they quartered in Sir Humphrey Forster's 
park f until Thursday evening, when they crossed tne Kennet 
at Padworth, and next morning (Friday 25th) halted on 

♦ Whitelock's Memorials, p. 103. 

t Sir Humphrey Forster's estates were sequestrated by the Parliament; and 
on his proposition to compound, Sir Humphrey pleads that his estate lies in the 
King's quarters, and is subject to every motion and change of the war, and hath 
been equally possessed by both sides, whereupon all the stock is taken away, the 
walls of the park and the fences broken, and damage done by the soldiers to the 
value of £8000 : that his children have been in want and himself hath subsisted 
ever since by borrowing. That he has a family of 9 children, and his eldest son, 
who has been a Captain in the Parliamentary service, has a considerable amount 
of pay not yet paid to him. Sir Humphrey concludes by stating that he has 
voluntarily taken the covenant, and found six men for the defence of Reading. 
(State Papers ; Dom. Series, Pub. Rec. Office.) In a petition to the Parliament 
from Lady Anne, wife of Sir Humphrey Forster, dated April 17, 1 645, she states 
that, on account of Sir Humphrey's harsh treatment, she has long lived at a 
distance from him, and that when he became a delinquent the Committee for 
sequestrations made several orders for petitioner's maintenance out of his 
estates, and on the 21st March last, after full hearing, ordered that she should 
enjoy the fifth part of his goods and estates. She prays that in the ordinaBce 
for clearing him of his delinquency a special proviso may be inserted, securing 
her a fifth part of his estate, as formerly ordered, or that some other provision 
may be made for her maintenance. The proviso was ordered to be inserted. 
(The Lords' Journal, VII, pp. 384 and 420.) 


Bucklebury Heath, having with them three days' provisions. 
At mid-day they appeared in the fields between Thatcham and 
Shaw, on the east side of Newbury, where some sharp encounters 
soon ensued between advanced parties of the Parliamentary horse 
and the cavalry outposts of the Royalists, but without serious 
loss on either side. On the following day the two Parliamentary 
Commissioners wrote from Thatcham to the Derby-House Com- 
mittee to the following effect. " My Lords and Gentlemen. 
Yesterday upon Bucklebury Heath wee received your letter, 
which gave us hope that the army will shortly receive the 
provisions which you have sent. The newes of Newcastle came 
very seasonably to us, which much encouraged the souldiers, and 
so affected them that many of the regiments went presently 
of their own accord to solemn prayer. The army about an 
hower before night came within a myle and within view of 
the enemy, who was drawne forth in a body in a place of ad- 
vantage neere Newbery. Our dragoones and theirs fired upon 
one another for two howers, twenty of our horses were killed, 
but not one of our men lost. A captain of our horse, who 
came up in the vann, was shott in the thigh, six o'clock in the 
evening. It was resolved last night that the field should be 
viewed by the chiefe oflScers early this morning. It will be an 
advantage to us to set upon his army on this side Newbery, 
because wee shall be betwixt the enemy and our provisions ; an(l 
to fall upon him on the other side, because we shall be betwixt 
the enemy and Prince Rupert, who is dayly expected with 
additional forces, the ground not having been viewed they could 
determine nothing herein. Being informed by those that came 
from London that they met many souldiers going homewards, 
wee renew our desire that some exemplary punishment may be 
inflicted upon them. Wee remaine, your Lops- humble servants, 
W. Jhonston, Jo. Crewe. Wee have had a faire night (blessed 
be God), and hope for a faire day."* During the ni^ht of the 
25th the detached parties of the King's troops were withdrawn ; 
and the enemy were left in the advantageous possession of the 
heights above Shaw House. 

Ihe site of the Parliamentary Camp was on an extensive tract of 
elevated table-land, stretching from Clay Hill for a considerable 
distance towards Ashmore Green and Cold-Ash Common. It is 
now called, from the gravelly character of the land, " The Stones." 
Skirting this plateau on the west, is an escarpment, which forms 
a continuous natural rampart, in some places so well detined as 
to have the appearance of an artificial work. The meadows 
below the southern edge are now known as " Runaways." Don- 
nington Castle stands out boldly in front of the camping ground. 
On Clay Hill, near "Red Field," is still to be seen part of an 

♦ Letter-book, Derby-Ho. Com., No. 57; Public-Record Office. 


extensive entrenchment or breastwork, which helped to defend 
the Parliamentary front. It is about 12 feet wide, by 8 feet 
deep, and originally extended along that face of the hill 
which has since been to a great extent removed in the process 
of digging clay. The ditch has been partially filled in; and 
the workmen in removing the earth have found many cannon- 
balls, bullets, and other relics of warfare, including scores of the 
well-known tobacco-pipes of the Caroline period. Wood-ashes 
have also been found in heaps beneath tne surface in many 
parts of the higher ground, indicating" the remains of the camp- 
tires around which the soldiers of the rarliament bivouacked. 

When it was known in London that the two armies were at 
last in the presence of each other, the shops were closed, the 
people rushed to the churches, and a solemn fast was ordained, 
to seek the blessing of the Lord on the coming battle. * 

The King in the absence of Prince Rupert, again led his own 
army, assisted by his nephew Prince Maurice, the old Earl of 
Brentford acting as Lieutenant-Genoral, and Lord Goring being in 
command of the horse. Amongst his Majesty's more prominent 
supporters present in the engagement were: — The Duke of 
Richmond and Lennox, the Earls of Cleveland, Lindsey, Newport, 
Berkshire, Rivers; Lords Hopton, Capel, Colepepper, Bellasis, 
Digby, Herbert, Bernard Stuart ; Sir Jacob Astley, Sir Bernard 
Astley, Sir Wm. Bronkard, Sir Wm. Ashburnham, Sir Edward 
Walker, Sir Wm. St. Leger, Sir Anthony St. Leger, Sir John 
Campstield, Sir Richard Page, Sir John Owen, Sir Thomas 
Hooper, Sir George Lisle, Sir John Brown, Sir John Grenville, 
Sir Humphrey Benett, Sir Henry Gage, Sir Richard Lane, Sir 
Thomas Bassett, Sir Joseph Wagstatte, Sir Charles Lloyd; 
Colonels Gerard, Markham, Leke, Topping, Thornhill, Thelwall, 
Legge, Fielding, Hamilton, Bovel. 

The Parliament on this occasion was represented by many of 
its most eminent and foremost leaders. Among those whose 
names have been more prominently handed down to us as 
associated with this action and its concurrent incidents may be 
mentioned the following:— The Earl of Manchester, Sir William 
Waller, Sir William Balfour, Sir Arthur Hesilrige, Sir James 
Harrington, Sir John Hurry (who has now changed sides). 
Major-General Crawford, Major-General Skippon, Major-General 
Holbourne, Lieut.-General Oliver Cromwell, Lieut.-General 
Middleton, Lieut.-General Ludlow, and Colonels Bartley, Norton, 
Ingoldsby, Birch, Hooper, Jones. 

The early morning of Saturday, 26 October, was devoted bj 
the Parliamentarians to the pushing of a reconnaisance. This 
the Royalists endeavoured to interrupt by sending out clouds of 
musqueteers to skirmish. Both parties kept up a smart can- 

* Boflhworth, Historioal CollectionB, II. 3, 719—720. 


nonade: the Parliamentarians from a battery which they had 
established on the summit of Clay Hill ; the Cavaliers from the 
lower ground in the vicinity of the town. For some time the 
firing produced little eiSect on either side, but towards evening 
the Royalists brought two of their guns round to the south of the 
River Lamborne, at Woodspeen; and these they so planted as to 
enfilade the enemy's line as far as a bend on Red Field exposed 
it. A regiment of cavalry in particular, commanded by Col. 
Ludlow, which was on the slopes towards the Lamborne 
suffered severely, and was compelled to shift its ground. 
Ludlow*s cousin Gabriel Ludlow, who had distinguished himself 
at Wardour Castle, here received his death-wound. 

This incident on Red Field is thus related by Ludlow:*— "My 
Regiment being that day on the Guard, received the greatest 
Damage; amongst others my Cousin Gabriel Ludlow, who was a 
Cornet therein, and who had behaved himself so well in the 
Defence of Warder-Castle, was killed: He died not immediately 
after he was shot; so that having caused him to be removed out 
of the reach of their Guns, and procured a Chirurgeon to search 
his wounds, he found his Belly broken, and Bowels torn, his 
Hip-bone broken all to shivers, and the Bullet lodged in it; not- 
withstanding which he recovered some sense, tho the Chirurgeon 
refused to dress him, looking on him as a dead Man. This 
Accident troubled me exceedingly; he being one who had 
expressed great Afiection to me, and of whom I had great hopes 
that he would be useful to the Publick. In this condition he 
desired me to kiss him, and Inot presently doing it, thinking 
he had talked lightly, he pressed me again to do him that favour; 
whereby observing nim to be sensible, I kissed him: and soon 
after having recommended his Mother, Brothers, and Sisters to 
my Care,4ie died." 

Finding the King so strongly placed, protected by Donnington 
Castle, the Kennet, and the Lamborne, the Parliamentary generals 
held a Council of War on Red Field. It was then resolved to divide 
their force into two columns. Waller and Cromwell, with all the 
horse and foot which had lately been under the leadership of 
Essex, and four regiments of Trained Bands, under Skippon 
(one regiment had been left in garrison at Reading), were to 
make a flank march, and attack the Royalists' position on Speen 
Hill ; while Manchester and Crawford with about 3000 foot, and 
a body of 1500 or 1800 horse under Ludlow, made a demonstra- 
tion from the hill at Shaw. It was further a^eed, that, as soon 
as the latter body should, by hearing the discharge of cannon, 
understand that their comrades at Speen Hill were engaged, 
Manchester should force the passage at Shaw ; and thus, if both 
sides succeeded, they would completely encompass the King and 

* Memoirs of Ludlow, voL i, pp. 129-130. 


have him at their mercy. The attention of the enemy was mean- 
while to be diverted from the main body of the Parhamentarians 
while making the flank march, by continuous attacks on their 

{)osition at Shaw, until the simal was given from the Speen side 
or the main blow to be struck. 
These matters are thus referred to in the documents of the 

Seriod. In CromwelPs "Evidence"* it is stated that "On Satur- 
ay, October 26, when we came up to Redhill Feild, within shot 
of Shawe, and found the passes of the river soe possest against us, 
it was agreed that the Lord-Generars and the City foote, with 
the greatest part of the horse, should march about by Boxford 
and attempt to breake in upon the enemy on that side oy Speene, 
and that his Lordship, with his owne foote and about 1500 norse, 
should stay behind at Shawe side, and fall on there at the same 
instant that he should perceive the other part to fall on at 
Speene (which was already in his viewe)." 

The news of a body of Parliamentarians being on their march 
to Speen Hill appears to have been brought to Lord Digby at 
Newbury on the Sunday moming;f but, owing to the numerical 
weakness of his army, it was not possible for the King (who had 
from the first determined to stand on the defensive), to dispatch 
at that time a force to oppose Waller's march, and at the same 
time to keep Manchester (whose numbers had been over-estimated) 
in check at Shaw. It seems, however, somewhat surprising that 
notice was not given to the Royalists at Speen of Waller's march. 
Clarendon states that they were taken unawares. The King had, 
indeed, sent a body of troops, about 500 in number, under Sir 
John Douglas, to guard the pass of the River Lambome at 
Boxford; where they made but a feeble resistance when the 
enemy appeared in such superior numbers. 

Acting on the decision of the Council of War, on Saturday 
evening the right wing of the Army of the Parliament, under 
Waller and Cromwell, began their march towards Speen Hill, 
the route taken being apparently by the old Bucklebury road, 
and Cold- Ash, to the Hermitage road, thence by Prior's Court and 
throuofh the village of Chieveley to North Heath, where they 
halted for the night. J Early next morning (Sunday) they were 
on the move; and, marching as rapidly as the heavy and hilly 

♦ From the Information against the Earl of Manchester; State Papers, Public 
Record Office. 

t In an origiral letter from Lord Digby to Prince Rupert, dated Newbury, 
27 Oct., Addl. MSS., Brit. Mus., No. 18980. So also "They leam'd in the 
morning (Sunday) our greatest force was a-marching towards Spen HiU.** 
** Narrative of the Earl of Manchester's Campaign;** State Papers; Publ. 
Rec. Off. 

J **0n Saturday the greater part of the Parliamentary forces retired to 
Chieveletff and quartered there that night in the open fields.*' Oldmixon, 
* History of the Stuarts," VI., p. 262. 


toads would admit, by Winterboume * church and woods, they 
passed the village of ^Boxford. Fording the River Lambome at 
the latter place, as already noticed, they met with only slight 
opposition from the Royalist outpost here stationed to defend 
the passage. Crossing the Newbury-^and- Wantage road,* they 
proceeded by High-street Lane to Wickham Heath, which they 
gained at the cross-roads. 

There is sufficient evidence in a letter from the two ParUamen* 
tary Commissioners, addressed to the Derby-House Committee, t 
to support this opinion as to the route taken. The)'- state that 
^' Yesterday the forces which went from Thatcham towards New* 
berry, by way of Wickam Heath and were there drawen Up set 
upon a worke and breastworke, well-guarded with ordnance, 
horse, and foote, which commanded all the wayes which lead 
to that side of the field betwixt Newberry and Dennington Castle> 
where the King's army was drawne up." 

They "passed the river," says Clarendon, "which was not well 
defended by the officer appomted to guard it, with horse and 
foot j" » * * But having thus got the river, they m&rched 
in good order, with very good bodies of foot winged with horse, 
towards the Heath." J 

" About which time the Earl of Essex*s forces [those recently 
under his command], all Waller's, and part of Manchester's horse, 
pursued their design of falling on the quarter at Speen, of which 
we had notice from Dennington, from whence their motion was 
discovered. And had Sir John Douglas actively opposed them 
(who was the day before sent with 300 horse and 200 foot beyond 
Dennington Castle to that end), they could not so easily have 
passed the river." § 

The distance from North Heath to Speen Hill (the "Heath ") 
is about 7 or 8 miles as traversed by the Parliamentarians: and 
this, considering the bad roads, was a fair four hours' march for 
such a large body of troops, who were not allowed to proceed 
altogether unmolested; for upon the high ground, they had been 
perceived by the garrison at Dennington Castle, and Sir John 
Boys had despatched a small body of horse to intercept them. 
These made a sharp attack on their rear; but, soon recovering 
from this slight interference, the Parliamentary Generals pushed 
on, and shortly approached the outworks of the Royalists ; but it 
was nearly one o'clock before the artillery and the rear came up, 
and nearly three o'clock in the afternoon before the army was 
deployed tor battle. 

♦ " While the Cannon play'd from the HiU [Clay HiU] they drew the rest of 
their army through Winterboume towards Bozford to have girt in His Majesty.'* 
**Mercurius Aulicus," Monday, 28 Oct., 1644. 

t ** Letter-Book, Derby-Ho. Com., No. 59, Pub. Rec. Off. 

} Clarendon's Hist. II., p. 547. 

§ Sir Edward Walker's **Hist. Discourses," p. 111. 


Leaving Waller and Cromwell arranging the preliminaries of 
battle on Speen Hill, we will return for a moment to Manchester's 
force left on the hills at Shaw. As soon as it was daylight, on 
Sunday morning, which at this season (27th October) would be 
about seven o'clock, Manchester commenced the attack on the 
royalist post at Shaw, by despatching a body of 400 musqueteera 
to assault the entrenched position at the south-east angle of 
Shaw Park, crossing the Lambome by a temporary bridge thrown 
over the river at the foot of Clay Hill the previous night.* 
They advanced at a quick pace over the meadows at what is 
now the back of Shaw Crescent, and favoured by the unevenness 
of the ground, and the haze of the early autumnal morning, 
were almost unperceived until they surprised the guard at the 
works covering the passage of the river and the house at Shaw. 
Without a moment's hesitation the Parliamentarians furiously 
assailed and mastered the party at the breastworks ; but, their 
impetuosity carrying them too far, they were checked by a 
charge from the royal cavalry under Sir George Lisle and Sir 
Bernard Astley near Shaw House; and, being without adequate 
support, they were driven back with great loss. To add to their 
discomfiture in attempting to regain the temporary bridge and 
retreat on their main body, they came into collision with a 
reserve of their own men, who were tardily coming to their 
support; and in the m^lee many fell by the swords of the 
pursuing cavaliers, and numbers were drowned in the river in 
endeavouring to reach the opposite bank. In this the first onset 
about 40 prisoners and 100 stand of arms were taken by the 
royalists. This affair is thus alluded to by the contemporaries. — 
"My Lord of Manchester * * * commanded a party of 400 
musqueteers to falle over the little river which passes by 
Dunington Castle, over a bridge, which most dextrously hee 
commanded the night before, to prepare for the diversion of the 
King's forces from goeing to Spen Mill, where they learned in 
the morneing our greatest force was a marching, which accor- 
dingly was done, and if those who weare commanded had not 
exceeded theire commission, [they] would have had greate 
victory; and as it was they tooke two workes from the enemy 
wherein they tooke a captayne and' severall prisoners, and 
advanced too farr without order, and weare repulsed, to the greate 
greife of the Earle of Manchester." J "Sunday, as soone as day, 
they put over a tertia of foot over a bridge they made in the night, 
intending to surprize one of our guards. But that guard 

* Near the Lambome, as indicated on the Plan, where the Parliamentarians 
crossed the river in this attack, several skeletons were found some years ago. In 
Redfield, also, on the removal of a bank, about 40 years since, three skeletons 
were discovered lying side by side. 

t ** Narrative of the Earl of Manchester's compaign;** State Papers; Publ. 
Kec. Off. 



retreated to the llext; and joyned, fell upon them, being nothing 
considerable in number, made their two bodyes retreat, killed 
some, tooke about 40 prisoners and a 100 armes: then they lay 
quiet till 3 afternoone^ onely our cannon and theirs playd." * 
Again : — "Sunday, October 27. Some of Manchester's Forces and 
London Trained Bands f crossed the River Kennet [Lamborne] 
between the Hill and Newbury, and did some Execution on those 
who kept the Pass against them. But Sir Bernard Astley, 
coming to Rescue, force th the other over the River." J 

After the unsuccessful attempt to pierce the Royalist line at 
Shaw, no further eflfort, with any vigour, was made by Manchester 
until the pre-concerted simal informed him that Waller's force 
had fallen on at Speen Hill. The interval until four o'clock was 
occupied by warm skirmishes between the two parties, accom- 

Eanied by an active interchange of artillery fire. Manchester, 
usy with his preparations for advancing in force, rode to and 
fro, and spiritedly addressed his men, while his Chaplain, Simeon 
Ashe,§ offered up fervent prayers for their success. 

The right wing of the Parliament Army, having successfully 
accomplished their flank march, are now on this Sunday morning, 
whilst the bells of the neighbouring churches are sounding for 
divine worship, preparing for the contest. Waller is in chief 
command; Sir William Balfour is to lead the right wing of 
horse; Lieut.-General Cromwell the left; Major-General Skippon, 
the foot. Their men are being rapidly placed in position on the 
high ground between the Wickham Road and Stockcross, over- 
looking on their right the Kennet Valley and the scene of their 
triumph the preceding year. At the same time, the Royal 
trumpets ring out " To arms ! " The scattered troopers, many 
of whom, in fancied security, are engaged in foraging for their 
horses, gallop back to their comrades; but before their ranks are 
well formed a shout of revenge "for the business in Cornwall "|| 
is heard along the Parliamentary line, the red, white, and blue 
colours are unfurled,ir and the "forlorn hope" of 800 musqueteers 

* Symonds's ** Diary," p. 145. 

t The greater part of the Trained Bands were with the right wing. 

I Baker's "Chronicle," p. 579. 

§ Simeon Ashe, Manchester's Chaplain, was author of "A True Relation," 
&c. Dr. Calamy speaks of him as a man of great sanctity, who went seasonably 
to heaven at the very time he was cast out of the church. He was buried 
on the eve of St. Bartholomew's day, 1662. Simeon fell under the obloquy 
of the Cromwellians : and he had a considerable share in the restoration of 
Charles II, whom he went to congratulate at Breda. 

II It is said that the Comishmen behaved with ^eat inhumanity to the 
Parliament Soldiers who feU into their hands on the surrender of Lord Essex in 

IT "Col. Aldridge, blew colours with lyons rampant or. Col. Davies, white 
colours. Citty, London.** Symonds's "Diary,** p. 66. Col. Ingoldsby's colours 
were "gules, a scroU in three folds, its parts making two C's conjoined and 
endorsed, on which these words * Pro Deo et Republica, fringsd sable with gules 
and argent.'* Pre8twiok*s **Respublica,** p. 36. 


rush on with wild impatience. These were ineterans who had 
lately served under their brave old leader Essex, and were now 
led by Lieut.-CoL Lloyd, with Hurry for his Major (nephew of 
the notorious renegade Colonel); they were supported by Colonel 
Aldridge's brigade, consisting of his own, Davies's, Fortescue's, 
and Ingoldsby s re^ments. Essex's old regiment comes up as a 
support on the nght (where the Trained Bands had a&eady 
fallen on): sending in a hastv volley on the enemy and 
urged on by the excitement which prevails, they rush pell- 
mell into the Royalists' entrenchments. A desperate nght 
succeeds; the blooa of the Cavaliers is up; and, fighting haiid 
to hand, they slaughter their assailants in heaps, as they mount 
the bank, and the ditch is filled with the dead and dying. 
Major Hurry, bravely leading the "forlorn-hope" (his colonel 
having already been struck down), falls mortally wounded. The 
gallant Col. Gawler, who has done good service for the ParUament 
m many a bloody field, drops lifeless from his horse, pierced by 
a royalist bullet. For a moment the enemy is repulsed; but 
determined to carry a position so necessary in effecting a junction 
with Manchester, ne renews the attack. An hour's hard fight- 
ing succeeds; and then bringing all their energy to bear on this 
pomt, in the midst of a storm of shot from the gallant defenders, 
and from the guns at Donnington Castle,* tne Parliamentary 
soldiers again come to the charge. Forward! is the word; ana, 
despite the desperate resistance of the brave but outnumbered 
Royalists, they bear onward with a determination nothing can 
withstand, liie King's troops at last give way. The Parliamen- 
tarian spurs are striking deep ! And now asain a stirring cheer 
rises from their ranks, and making a dasn at the guns they 
had lost in Cornwall, now deserted by their late captors, who 
are flying at headlong speed down the hill, they clap their hats 
on the touch-holes, and embrace them with tears of joy."f* The 
forces of Prince Maurice down in the village of Speen, unable to 
stand against the overwhelming numbers of the Parliament, stay 
the tide for a time, but at length yield to superior force, ana, 
driven from their position to join in the retreat with the remnant 
from the Heath, they fall back discomfited on their horse and 
artillery in the fields "between Speen and Newbury," under the 
shelter of the Castle, and hastily endeavour to reform their 
broken ranks. 

The Royalists are cleared from off the Heath. The guns J lost 
at Lostwithiel, thus regained, are limbered up and sent to the rear, 

• Letter from the Two Commissioners to the Derby-Ho. Committee, 27 
Oct., 1644. 

t Ludlow's "Memoirs," p. 130. 

t '*We tookeO good brass pieces^ six of them being sakers, which we left 
behind in Cornwall." (Skippon's Letter to the Derby-Ho. Committee.) The 
other three guns were with Prince Maurioe. 


^om a portrait hy Corkelius jAuaES. 


together with those of Prince Maurice, which had be^i planted 
at the foot of the hill. Waller now launches his cavalry in pursuit 
of the retreating enemy, and avenges in merciless slaughter 
the cause of the Parliament. Well might the Commissioners 
write "Wee desire to give God the glory of this victory, it 
being His worke and upon His day ; " * while Waller exclaimed, 
like the Fifth Harry, in the fulness of his gratitude, 

" God, thy arm was here ! 
And not to us, but to Thy name alone. 

Ascribe we all." 

Great was the panic among the Cavaliers at this moment. 
They "threw down their arms, and ran away, crying 'Devils! 
Devils! They fight like Devils!' For ours gave no quarter 
to any they knew to be of the Cornish."-}- Following up 
this advantage, while Waller throws himself on the Royalists' 
rear in their retreat from Speen Hill, Sir William Balfour, with 
the right wing of horse, sweeps round under the hill, on the 
south side of Speen Church, skirting the Kennet, and, having 
gained "the large field" between Speen and Newbury, where the 
King, with the Prince of Wales and many of his attendants at 
that time stood, falls suddenly on the cavalry near the King, 
charging them at once in front and flank, first with a heavy 
fire of carbines, then at the sword's point. It is reported 
that — "His Majesty was in the interim in the midst of the 
field, with his son Prince Charles and divers of his council 
and servants where by his presence he did much encourage 
those that stood, and rallied those that were deserting the 
field; though a whole brigade of our horse, being stopped by 
his Majesty as they came down a lane from Speene, and by 
him commanded again into the field, very basely forsook him 
and ran into Newbery, out of which they were speedily forced by 
our guards then placed at the Bridge." J The King at this time 
appears to have been in the fields not far from the backway to 
Speen, down which his deserting troopers fled. In an interesting 
letter,§ of earlier date (March 1, 1623), from the Mayor and certain 
inhabitants of Newbury to the Council of the Prmce of Wales, 
afterwards K. Charles 1., assistance is sought towards repairing 
the bridge at Newbury, which had suddenly toppled over into 
the river on the precedmg 8th of February. This shows that the 
river was bridged in the town at that period, and not passed by 
a ford, as has been represented. 

It is evident that for a short time the King and his retinue 
were in imminent danger; for at the first shock, a whole 

♦ Letter from the Two Commissioners to Derby-Ho. Committee, 28, Oct., 1644. 

t Vicar's **Parl. Chron." Lond., 1644. 

J Sir E. ViTalker's "Hist. Discourses," p. 112. 

§ This letter is among the Tanner MSS., Bodleian lib., No. 314, fol. 214. 


brigade of Royalist horse, outnumbered to a great degree, and 
already demoralized by increasing panic, reeled and wavered, 
and at length, giving ground to the advancing host, clapped 
spurs to their horses, and fled in disorder towards the town. 
The Kin^, desperate at the sight, dashed forward sword in 
hand, and vainly endeavoured to arrest their flight; but the 
authority of command was gone, and he found nimself sur- 
rounded by the enemy. At the crisis Sir John Campsfield,* 
with two troops of the Queen's regiment, gallantly galloped 
forward to the support of his royal master. Sir Bernard Stuart 
and his life-guards gathered round the King; and rapidly 
wheeling round, to get more ground, with the troopers of Sir 
John they rushed valiantly against the eager enemy. A deadly 
strife ensued; many a horse ran riderless over the fields; the 
Parliament men were dispersed ; and the Kin§ was rescued. The 
brave cavaliers, however, too ardent in their enthusiasm, always led 
away by the same fault, pushed on too far. The calm old Skippon, 
not less cool than daring, permitted them to continue the pursuit 
until their impetuosity carried them within a few yards of his 
infantry, when, at a signal, the musqueteers and pikemen 
furiously assailed them, and they were forced to retire through his 
ranks, exposed to a galling fire. 

At this moment Lieut.-General Cromwell, with the left wing of 
horse, well in hand, came upon the scene, and made for Sir 
Humphrey Benett's cavalry brigade, stationed on the south-west 
side of Speen Fields towards Newbury, which was without doubt the 
weakest point in the Royal line. In ten minutes Sir Humphrey's 
steel-clad troopers, panic-struck at so vigorous a charge, and 
taken at a disadvantage, were completely overpowered, and had 
well nigh been annihilated had not Lord Bernard Stuart and his 
guards secured their retreat on Shaw. Cromwell now advanced 
"towards the north side of the field," in the direction of Donning- 
ton; but he was met by Lord Goring, with the Earl of Cleveland's 
brigade, who charged with telling effect on the leading squadrons, 
and forced them to retire over a hedge. Goring's troopers lept 
the obstacle in pursuit, but Skippon, once more rallying 
his battalions, drove him back in turn, routed and dispersed, 
with considerable loss. The gallant old Earl of Cleveland, at the 
head of his regiment, allowed his courage to carry him too far 
ahead of his men; and, his horse falling under him, he was taken 
prisoner, f 

* The motto in Sir John Campsfield' s banner was from the 101st Psalm, — 
**Fiat pax in virtute tua." — Estrenne's **Mottos and Devices." 

t ** Drawing up (with General Goring) his brigade, at the east side of Spiene, in 
the Second Newberry fight, to secure the King's guards, in much danger, with 
such old English valor (telling his men they must now charge home), that ho 
scattered the enemy, tiU too far engaged and overpowered he was taken prisoner, 
•8 the King himself was like to be." Lloyd's ** Memoirs," p. 570. 


*'The Knight is left alone, his steel-cap cleft in twain, 
His good buff jerkin crimson'd o'er with many a gory stain: 
Yet still he waves his banner, and cries amid the rout. 
'For Church and King, fair gentlemen! spur on, and fight 
it out ! ' ''—Praed. 

The battle on the Speen side of the Royalist position had now 
raged three or four hours; the sun had set, and the night was 
fast closing in, yet the contest was continued in broken order, 
but for the most part with unabated spirit. At last all forma- 
tion was lost; and it would be tedious, if not impossible, to 
continue the narration of what had now become mere skirmishes 
in the dark, friend and foe commingled. The fighting gradually 
ceased. Both parties occupied themselves in drawing together 
their scattered forces. 

Cromwell states in his Evidence against the Earl of Man- 
chester* that "Wee on the other side [Speen], haveing gayned 
most of the hedges toward Newberry feild, did cease and draws 
our men together to avoyd confusion in the darke by that 
scattered way of fighting." 

The darkness of the night, until the moon rose, was advanta- 
geous to the dispirited royalists, many of whom escaped under its 
cover who would otherwise have been killed or taken prisoners. 
As there was considerable rivalry between the leaders in this 
battle, discrepancies in the various accounts of the action are 
very marked. Thus, Manchester, whose hostility to the future 
Protector was well known, gave it as his opinion before the House 
of Lords f that "On that day there was no service at all per- 
formed by Cromwell." But this is not at all likely; and personal 
dislike must have warped the Earl's mind. Oliver was not a man 
to stand idle when any fighting was to be done; and in the despatch 
of the Two Commissioners he is expressly mentioned as having 
done great service, — an assertion far more likely to be true than 
that of his comrade in the fight. 

We turn now to the course of the action at Shaw. About four 
o'clock, X Manchester heard the distant firing on Speen Hill, and 
beheld from the eminence with joy and thankfulness the hasty, 
disorderly retreat of the enemy towards Newbury. Animated 
with this encouraging sight, says his Chaplain, Simeon Ashe, the 
Earl prepared to descend to the more diflScult work of forcing 
the strong position at Dolman's house. 

For the purpose of carrying this important post, Manchester 
divided his force into two columns, to assault the house at two 

^^^'^— "*^— ' ' ■» ■■ M I ■■ ■ ■ ■■■■■■ I ■»■■■■■■■■ ■■III. I. ■ I ■ ■ ■ III ■ MM. ■ ■■ »■ I IM ■ !!■■ ^M. ■■■■ ■ ^ 

* State Papers; Publ. Rec. Off. 

t November 28, 1644; also in the ** Narrative.'* 

X CromweU, in his charge against Manchester, says, that the Earl would not 
aUow his men to f aU on untU half-an-hour after sunset : but this differs from 
other accounts of the battle, whether Royalist or Parliamentarian, which state 
that Manchester made his attack not later than 4 p.m. 


different points; the right to attack on the north-east side by thd 
garden; and the left) which was somewhat the larger body, to 
attempt it lower down at the foot of the little hill by the village 
of Shaw. (See the Plan.) 

Suddenly, under cover of an active cannonade along theit 
whole line, a dark and terrible mass of steel-clad men moved 
down from behind the protecting eminence of Clay Hill. 

" Compactly move the blocks of spears, 
" In ' back, and ' breast/ and steel cap bright ; 
" And on each flank, 
" In eight-deep rank> 
" With lighted match, the musqueteers*"* 

The " battle-march " of the Puritan warriors was a solemn psalm 
pealing from their fierce array, f The royalist guns thundered a 
refrain. Preserving the greatest order, the Parliament men 
steadily descended the steep hill-side to meet again, for the 
second time that day, their equally brave, and no less devoted 

The eager and excited soldiers of the Parliament, who felt that 
they had been too long held back, brooked no further suspense. 
The foremost lines of the right column immediately advanced on 
the garden side of Shaw House. The Royalists had all the 
advantages of position; every accessible point being well 
protected in all directions, both by cannon and musquetry; 
and, full of confidence, they received the enemy with a tremen- 
dous volley, poured in from behind the hedges of Long Lane. J 
Though for the moment amazed and staggered, Manchester's 
men withdrew not an inch ; and the first shock was no sooner 
overcome, than they rushed boldly forward, to be again driven 
back. Again and again were they led on, and as often repulsed; 
but, seconded by a strong body of Ludlow's cavalry, they once 
more fell on, and this time with some effect. The cavaliers sent 
another and telling volley from behind their breastwork on the 
little hill where the Water-tower § now stands; but, nothing 
daunted, the Parliamentarians advanced, and drove out the 
foremost musqueteers from their cover. They now received a 
check; for Sir John Brown, with the Prince of Wales's regiment, 
caused terrible havoc in their ranks, the Royalist fire being 
maintained with great coolness. Still the assailants pressed on 5 
pike met pike, sword clashed with sword; the one party en- 

. !■ « 

♦ **Doniiingtoii Castle, '^ by Col. Columb, R.A., p. 157. 

t Clarendon's "Hist.'' iv. p. 548. 

t Several cannon-balls bave been found in the banks of Long Lane. 

§ The ground around the Water-tower has the appearance of haying been 
artificlaJly raised for defence, particularly on the eastern side of tho mound. To 
the north-east of the road to Donnington from Long Lane, also« there are evident 
indications of entrenchments. The ramparts now faced with stone, are stiU 
woU defined in the gardens of Shaw House. 


deavouring to gain the hedges and entrenchments, the other 
resolutely opposing them. Many fell at the foot of this hillock ; 
but not one put a foot on it, except as a prisoner. Again rein- 
forced with a fresh body of horse, this gallant band returned to 
the charge, and almost reached the garden-wall,* while others 
penetrated ev^i to the lawn in front of the house. Sir John 
Brown, for a time compelled to give way, prudently fell back on 
the reserve in the garden* Meanwhile Sir Richard tage, with his 
leather guns, and 400 musqueteers in the dry moat, delivered a 
biting &e.-|- Ludlow's cavalry recoiled, wheeled about, and 
retreated, followed by Sir John Brown; and many a brave 
trooper fell, never more to draw sword again in cause of 
Parhament.J The foot, however, soon rallying, advanced to- 
wards Thelwall's reserve, who brought his men boldly forward. 
Without waiting to return their fire, the Parliament men rushed 
in upon the Cavaliers and gallantly fought to the death. Even 
by their enemy's admission they struggled heroically; but the 
odds were agamst them, for they were able to do little against 
an enemy sheltered by walls and earth-works. Thus, though 
twice remforced, and bravely led forward, twice they were 
repulsed; and, abandoning all hope of penetrating this well 
defended place, they gradually retired out of fire, to Clay Hill, 
leaving one of Crawfurd's colours and two "drakes" m the 
hands of the successful defenders of the royal stronghold. 

Simultaneous with the attack on the garden, Manchester's left 
column made a vigorous assault, by the village of Shaw, on the 
north side of the Lambome, towards the front of Shaw-house; 
but Sir George Lisle stripped to liis shiirt, and therefore (says 
"Mercurius Aulicus") mistaken for a witch § by the Parliamen- 

* There was formerly a sunken road in front of this waU, with a raised bonk 
on each side. When the roadway was diverted some years ago, and the present 
wooden fence erected, several human sk^etons were met with ; and a 61b cannon- 
baU was found firmly imbedded in the brickwork On the Lawn in front of 
Shaw House are four iron guns, about 5ft. 9in. long, with 3J inches bore. Such 
as these were called '* Minions ; ** and they were probably left by the Parliamen- 
tarians, as memorials, when the house was given up to its owner, Sir Thos. 

t See Capt. Gwyn's **MU. Mem.'* ch. xiii. The portable leather gun was 
made of the toughest leatiier, and bound with metallic hoops. A strong horse 
could cany two of them thiough miry roads. They could be discharged only 
7 or 8 times. Ool. Wemys Is commonly supposed to have been the inventor ; but 
the original Inventor was Gustavus Adolphus, who employed them at the battle of 
Leipsic, Sept. 7, 1631. See "Mil. Mem. of Col. John Birch," Camd. Soc,, 87, 88. 
t Ludlow's "Memoirs,'* p. 131. 

§ "At the last Newb'ry Battle, in the sight 
Of Majesty, he led the Foot to fight, 
Steip'd to his Shirt, that others might descry 
His Actions, and Example take thereby; 
Frcmi whence the frighted Rebels gave it out. 
That a white Witch was seen to fly about 
The Royal Army, scowring to and fro. 
Where'er the Contest did the hottest grow." 

* Hist. Grand RebeU.* By Henry Ward. Vol. ii, p. 432. 


tary soldiers, burst at once, with his fiery cavafay, into the very 
heart of Manchester's infantry, and scattered tJiem ''like spray 
before some storm-driven ship/' No pause was made, — ^no mercy 
shown bv the excited troopers, — the whole mass was swept up 
Clay Hill,* pursued by the enraged cavsJiers^ who hewed down 
the fugitives by scores. It is said that thev only escaped total 
destruction through the devoted heroism oi Ludlow's men, who 
sacrificed themselves by moving forward to cover the retreat. 
So great was the execution that Clarendon states 500 men were 
left dead on one little spot of ground, f 

The moon was now up. Manchester had received a reinforce- 
ment of horse, expected earlier in the day; and he resolved to 
make another ana final effort. However skilful and daring the 
attempt, it was foiled by the pluck of the Royalists, who stood 
their ground, and again compelled their assailants to retire. 

Thouffh, at first sight, a matter of surprise that Shaw House 
should nave suffered so little, considering that a series of violent 
attacks were made on it by the Parliamentarians, this seems easy 
of explanation. Firstly, only the eastern end of the House is 
turned towards Clay Hill, on the slope of which the enemy's 
guns must have been posted. Next, oetween the latter pomt 
and the building rises a hillock, on which the Water-tower now 
stands, and this very materially sheltered the house from view 
and injury. Thirdly, there were no heavy siege-guns brought 
against it, as at Donnington Castle. Further, it was conc€«a2ed 
by trees, in most cases stout enough to stop shot from light 
field-guns, and was surrounded by high fences and a thick ram- 
part. Thus we need not wonder that it escaped unscathed.} 

These important fights, at Speen and Shaw, constituted the 
last great action between the two parties here. Whatever its 
ultimate results may have been, at first each army seems to have 
fancied itself worsted. The Parliamentarians had been repulsed, 
and had suffered severely at Shaw; but their right wing at Speen 
had been completely successful. The King, on the other hand, 
who had been a witness of his ill fortune on the Speen side, and 
unaware that at Shaw the tide of war had turned in his favour, 
considered his position no longer tenable, and determined to act 
at once on the resolution he had taken in the morning, in 
anticipation of an unfavourable issue, namely, to retreat on 
Wallingford. Orders were accordingly dispatched to Prince 
Maurice, Lord Goring, Lord Hopton, Sir Jacob Astley, and the 

* Walker's "Hist. Disc." p. 113. 

t Clarendon's "Hist." II. p. 548. 

i A shot-hole in a shutter in one of the eastern rooms of the House is regis- 
tered by a brass plate as having been made by a bullet when the King was stan(Sng 
close by. When this could have occurred is difficult to determine. 


Other commanders, to draw off their men to Snelsmore Heath * 
Battalion after battalion began silently to quit its ground, and 
march in the direction of the rendezvous ; while the guns and 
heavy stores were conveyed by a circuitous route to Donnington 
Castle. Charles, at the earnest entreaty of his friends, who 
perceived the utter ftustration of all his "hopes, now thought of 
providing for his own safety; and, having sent for his guard, amid 
a troop of fugitive horsemen made good nis escape to Donnington 
Castle, deciding to proceed to Bath, where he might by his 

Jresence hasten the Welsh and Northern forces which nis nephew 
rince Rupert was then getting together for his assistance. 
After half-an-hour spent in the Castle with Sir John Boys, in 
whose care he left his wounded, baggage, artillery, and ammuni- 
tion, the King, with the young Prince of Wales, the Duke of 
Richmond, the Earls of Lmdsey, Berkshire, and Newport, Lord 
Capel, and others, and accompanied by a guard of about 300 horse,, 
hurried from the scene of nis overthrow, and by about four 
o'clock in the afternoon of the next day reached Bath (having 
ridden over fifty miles, as Symonds says, "sans rest"),-|- where he 
met Prince Rupert, and informed him of the sad disai^er. 

The retreat of the army was ably conducted by Prince Maurice; 
and, notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemv in 
cavalry, he got to Wallingford by way of Compton without 
hindrance the next day, and then quietly went on to Oxford. 
The Parliamentarians, who remained on the groimd all night, 
awoke in the morning to find the King was gone ! Waller and 
Manchester appear to have been entirely ignorant of each other's 
success or failure until the next day, Simeon Ash says, — '' The 
next morning, as soon as we had in the field, near the bodies 
both of friends and foes which lay in the field, made our 
addresses to God both by praise and prayer according to the 

E resent affecting providences, we march'd over the river [Lam- 
ome] to Newbury; and all this time we neither met with, nor 
heard of our friends at Speen." J 

Thus finished the Second Battle of Newbury; but the losses 
on both sides, in killed, wounded, and prisoners were heavy. 
Sir Edward Walker § gives the following list of the "hurt and 
wounded *" on the Royalist side : — King's Life-guard, 29 common 
soldiers; Prince of Wales's Regiment, 69 common soldiers, 
2 Captains, 2 lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 1 "Sarjant;" Sir Jacob 

* Snelsmore Heath formerly extended oyer the whole of the now-enclosed 
fields between Donnington Castle and the present Common. At the time of the 
Civil War there were one or two cottages standing between the Common and the 
Castle, which Sir John Boys burnt to prevent their being occupied by the enemy^ 

t Symonds's Diary, p. 146. 

}: " A True Relation," &c. 

§ Harl. MSS., No. 6804; 92. 


Astley's Regiment, 16 common soldiers ; Col. Bellasis' Regiment, 
25 ; CoL Bowles' Regt., 23 ; Col. Dalton's Regt, 22 ; Col. Owen's 
Regt., 14; Col. Harford's Regt. 18; Col. Dyre's Regt., 14; Col. 
Blagg's [Blague's], 6 common soldiers : in Sir Gilbert Gerrard's 
"Tertia," "9 officers slain," 22 "shott;" 100 "soldiers slain," 
116 " shott," " 41 sicke and unable to march :" in Lord Harbert's 
5 " Readgements," 2 Captains, I Ensign, 45 common soldiers, 
"11 sicke men ; n^ Ld. llarbert hath taken care to send these 
into Bristol :" in Lord Grandison's Regt,, " 6 common soldiers, 
2 sicke men, 11 men killed:" in Col. Charles Garard's Re^., the 
Lieut.-Col., 2 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, 9 Ensigns, 7 " Sarjants," 
78 common soldiers. The following simimary of the casiialities 
attending the action of October 27th, on the King^s side, is 
given in Sir E. Walker's MS. here referred to— of CoL Sands* 
[Sandys'] Regt., 26; of Lord River's Regt., ; of the Lord- 
General's Regt, 74; Soldiers hurt and not able to march, 351 ; 
of Col. Chas. Garard's Regt., 78 ; altogether 529, and 59 Officers 
hurt, total 588. 

It is difficult from the above account, to summarize the 
number of those actually killed and of those only wounded ; but 
the King's loss was evidently much greater than some of the 
royalist writers represent; for each party sought to reduce its 
own loss and aumient that of its opponent. Sir Edward 
Walker, in his "Discourses," says there were not above 100 
common soldiers slain; and Clarendon follows him; Sir Roger 
Manley, a zealous champion in the royal cause, goes so far as to 
say " 3000 men were slam on the King's side ;" while Whitelock, 
the Parliamentary writer, reduces the number to 200 slain and 
300 prisonera The following royalists are mentioned as having 
been killed in this engagement: — Sir William St. Leger, M.P., son 
and heir of Sir William St, Leger, a Privy Councillor, and Lord- 
President of Munster in 1629; Lt.-Cols. Leke, Houghton, Top- 
ping, and Jones (killed on the little hill where the Water-tower 
now is at Shaw); Majors Trevellian and Knyvett; Captains 
Whittingham, Catelyn, Walpole, Philpot, and Mildmay (eldest 
son of Sir Himiphrey Mildmay); also Mr, Barksdale, a volunteer. 
This loyal gentleman was a member of an old Newbury family, 
one of whom (Mr. Thomas Barksdale) gave an acre of land to the 
Parish of Speen, the rent thereof to pay for a sermon at Speen 
Church every Easter-Tuesday. Of the wounded were—the Earl 
of Brentford, shot in the head; Sir John Grenville, Sir John 
Campsfield, Sir Edward Waldegrave, Lt.-Col. Pa^e (shot in both 
thiffhs and in the arm) ; Major Alford, shot in tne thigh ; Capt. 
Weils, wounded severely, fell into the hands of the enemy, and 
died in prison ; Mr. Stephen Knight, " chief clerk of the Avery " 
to King Charles. In his petition for restoration to the office, 
shortly after the return of Charles IL, Mr. Kniffht pleads that 
he was severely wounded at Newbury in the last battle, and sub- 


sequently plundered of all he possessed, and that his family were 
turned out into the streets. 

That the prisoners captured by the Parliamentaiy Army were 
numerous, appears in the contemporary papers.* It seems that 
many of the persons here enumerated belonged to the neighbour- 
hood, and their descendants still reside in the locality. Some 
five or six hundred "stragglers" were subsequently taken 

Srisoners by the Parliamentarians when they entered Is ewbury. 
tf these the "Weekly Account," in the succeeding week (from 
Oct. 31 to Nov. 4, 1644), reports — ^"The Letters from Sir William 
Waller confirm the taking of a great store of arms and many 
prisoners since the late victory near Newbury ; but most of the 
men, being poore country-fellows (that were forst [forced], and 
offered to take the covenant not to fight any more against the 
Parliament), they were left to their election, whether they would 
fight for the Parliament, or depart to their own dwellings, upon 
wnich many of them made choice of the Parliament's service." 

Of Lord Cleveland! 9 Brigade^ were — Lord Cleveland, Captain 
Philpot,"|- Lieut. Harper, Lieut. Roane, Comet Whealand, (Juar- 
erm'- Ironmonger, Quartermr. Campion, Quartermr. Nicholas, Mr. 
John Percy, and 38 Troopers of the same Brigade. 

OfSvr John Astley's Brigade — 11 officers and troopers. 

Of Lord Hopton's Brigade — Capt. Elmes, Quartermr- Simon 
Court, and Henry Dimmock, Hu^h Pope, and Edward Phillips, 
" Gentlemen of Armes," besides divers troopers. 

The following were also taken prisoners — ^Colonel Philpot, 
Capt. Mildmay,! Capt. Nevet [Kynvett], t Mr. Richard Nishton, 
Mr. John Curtis, Mr. Edward Archer, and " divers other Gentle- 
men of Armes and Reformadoes,|| of these many of them are 
officers, the rest gentlemen;" — Mr. John Champion, Mr. George 
Edmons, Mr. Henry Leonard, Mr. John Edges, Mr. John Goare, 
Mr. John Williams, Mr. William Bartholomew, Mr. James Love- 
lock, Mr. Henry Atkins, Mr. Thos. Poply [Pofley?], Mr. Thos. 
Holden, Mr. James Fant [Plant ?] Mr. William Dormer, Mr. Thos. 
Plant, Mr. John Aldred, Mr. John Petty, Mr. Michael Francklin, 
Mr. James Champion, Mr. John Famaby, Mr. Robert Hill, Mr. 
Henry Coard [Court?], Mr. Peter Holway [Holloway?], Mr. 
Thos. Compton, Mr. George Huntley, Mr. Richd. Thebon. Mr. 
Cornelius Owen, Mr. Thos. Greenfield, Mr. Richd. Painter, Mr. 
John Hobbs, Mr. Edmond Coard, Mr. John Davis, Mr. Wm. 
Halen [Allen?], Mr. Edwd. James, Mr. Joseph Hitchcocke, Mr. 
Robt. Kinder [Kimber?], Mr. Daniel Stout, Mr. W.illiam Wood, 
Mr. John HiU, Mr. Wm. Banister, Mr. Richd. Comewell, Mr. 

* "Perfect Occurrences of Parliament,** from 25 Oct. to 1st Nov. 1644. 
" Died of Ms wounds, 
t Both died of wounds. 

ll "Eeformadoes** were ofQccrs who, having lost their men, were continued ou 
whole or half -pay. 


Thomas Turko, Mr. Wm. Eiles [Eyles ?], Mr. Peter Smith, Mr. 
Richard Whiston, Mr. Daniel Dongway, and Mr. Henry Vincent. 
On the side of the Parliament, tne estimates of the losses like- 
wise vary most considerably, Sir Roger Manley leads off with 
2500 as the nmnber actually killed. Clarendon, comes next with 
1000 ; and Carte gives the same. On the other hand, the Parlia- 
mentary Commissioners, in their report to the Derby-House 
Committee, dated from Newbury, the day after the battle, state, 
" Major Skippon guesseth that tne nimiber slaine, on both sides, 
[i.e. of the Parliamentary forces engaged at Speen and Shaw] 
were between two and tnree hundred." little reliance can be 
placed on these statements, which were made for party-pur- 
poses. The average of these figures would give about 1000^, 
which is probably a fair calculation. 

Very few names of Parliamentary Officers who fell in this 
battle nave been handed down to us. Col. Gawler, Major Hurry, 
Captains Willet, Talbot, and Charles D*Oyley, of the Earl of 
Essex's Life-Guards, were killed at Speen (the latter^ it is said» 
by the hand of Sir Humphrey BenettJ; and Cols. Norton^ Bartley» 
and Lloyd are mentioned as woundea. 

In an original letter, containing a brief account of this battle, 
from Col. Norton to his friend Richard Major of Hursley, the 
Colonel says — "We killed some men of note, and lost some, 
amongst wch was Lieut.-Col. Knight, Sonne to John Knight, who 
was to me much lamented by my JA- Man[che]ster and many 
others, and died w^^ ye reputac'on of as gallant a man as any in 
all ye army and as much oeloved; truly I am sorry for himself e, 
antl not lesse for poor John Knight's sake; but as ne lived to be 
a good christian soe he died like a good souldier. Many we had 
wounded; amongst ye number I receaved a faier admonition (by 
musquet-shott in my legge) for medling where I had noe charge, 
but I thanke God, my bone was to hard for y® bullett, and I hope 
I shall be upon both legges againe ere it be long. I could not 
helpe it; for I thought tnere was need when engaged myselfe to 
lead up Col. Ludlowe's Regiment, his horse having broken his 
bridle, soe y* he was faine to quit." [Here the remaining part of 
the sentence, probably with some others, is lost, the paper having 
failed at the fold.] 

Endorsed:— "Coll. Norton, 29 Octob., 1644. Newbery battaile." 
("Maijor* Letters and Papers," British Museum.) 

Sir Wm. Waller, it seems, had a narrow escape in this engage- 
ment. To this he thus refers in his note-book, + in which lie 
was in the habit of making daily jottings: — "At the second 

* Dorothy, daughter of Mr. Kichard Major, married Bichard CromweU, the 
Protector's eldest son. When the old house at Hursley was pulled down some 
time in the last century, a seal was found, supposed to have been the identical 
seal of the Commonwealth, which the Protector took from the Parliament. 

t Sir W. Waller's **RecoU.," C. 45 a; Brit. Mus. 



Newbery fight, when I fell on with my troopes by way of Speene 
Field and were there mingled with the enemy, I had a great 
deliv'rance, for one of the adverse party coming behind me, and 
being ready to fire his pistoll in mv reines, in that instant one 
of my life-guard killed him, or otherwise in all probability he 
woula have killed me. 

O God, the Lord, the strength of my salvation, thou hast 
covered my head in the day of Battle ! 

The Angell of the Lord encampeth round about them 
that feare his worde, and delivereth them." 
The greater number of the slain foimd a grave near where 
they feU, while many of those who died of their woimds in the 
town of Newbiuy were buried in St. Nicholas' church-yard. The 
Churchwarden's accounts from 23 Aug., 1644 to 20 Sept., 1645, 
contain the following list of payments in connection with these 
interments: — 

Given at Vestry, 20 Sept. 1645. Account passed by William Nash, 


Paid for a shroud for a Soldier, eaxrying him to 

Carrying Soldier and cleaning the Chxircli 
Carrying Soldier and making a groat grave 
Carrying a Soldier to Bxirying . . 
Shroud for a Soldier 
Carrying and Burying 3 Soldiers 
Coffin for a Lieutenant 
For Carrying, Burying Soldier . . 
For Carrying another Soldier to Burying 
Biuying 2 Soldiers more 
Burying 6 Soldiers more 
Shrouds for Soldiers 
Carrying a Soldier and Burying 
Digging Graves for Soldiers 
Burying 3 Soldiers more 
Ditto 4 ditto . . 
Digging Graves 
Burying 2 Soldiers . . 
Ditto 2 ditto . . 

Burying a Soldier 

Digging 19 Graves and cleaning the Church 
Burying a Soldier 
Ditto ditto . . 

Heavy as these losses were, they did not prevent the speedy 
resumption of hostilities. Though the battle liad been somewhat 
indecisive, inasmuch as the King had escaped, by way of 
Donnington to Oxford, Manchester soon took steps to reap the 
full fruits of the battle, which he claimed as a victory. Early on 
Monday morning, the 28th October, when the Parliamentarians 
found that the King was really gone,ti Council of War was called 

















































at Specn. It is asserted that Cromwell, on that oecasion, not 
doubting as to the state in which affiurs stood, repeatedly 
requested leave to push on with his cavalry and overtake the 
retreating royalists; but he was peremptorily restrained by the 
General-m-chief; and, as Cromwell brought a chai^ to this effect 
against Manchester in the House of Commons, the statement is 

Erobably true. But however this mav be, after much time had 
eon wasted in an angry discussion, Manchester reluctantly con- 
sented that Waller, Cromwell, and Hesilrige, with the horse (about 
6000 strongV which had been engaged on the Speen side of the 
battle, should march in pursuit. With this force the Parliamen- 
tary Generals reached Blewbury, without firing a shot; and then 
finding that the enemy had got clear over the river at WalUng- 
ford many hours before, it was judged both hazardous and useless 
to pursue further ; and the troops were accordingly quartered in 
Blewbury, Hagbome, Chilton, Harwell, and the neighbouring 
villages. Meanwhile a letter having been sent by Manchester 
from Newbury, desiring the return of the force, the tnree Grenerals 
came back to Newbury, where they had an interview with the 
EarL They then pressed earnestly to have the whole army 
marched speedily into quarters beyond Oxford (about Witnw, 
Burford, and Woodstocl^, where the King^s troops had already 
begun to rally. That being denied, they requested that two or 
three thousand of the foot then quartered in Newbury should 
march to join the horse at Blewbury. Manchester could not, 
however, be persuaded to stir until the Saturday following 
(November 2nd), on which day he started with a portion of his 
infantry, and in two days managed to get as fer as HarweU. 
which same distance, Cromwell says, the Earl on his return 
" dispatcht in one." Arriving at Harwell, Manchester refused to 
proceed further until he had received instructions from the 
Committee in London ; his excuse being the badness of the roads 
and other impediments. The two commissioners. Lord Warriston 
and Mr. Crew, proceeded from Harwell to London to represent 
matters in person to the Derby-house Committee: but on 
Tuesday (November 5th), the day before the directions of the 
Committee were received, Manchester appointed a rendezvous 
for the next morning on Clompton Downs four or five miles back 
towards Newbury. The whole body of horse under Cromwell on 
Tuesday night lay on Chilton plain, and the following day moved 
to Compton, and joined Manchester, who had by this time, much 
to his satisfaction, received orders from London not to divide 
his army, but to march back to Newbury and endeavour to 
take Donnington Castle. Siege-pieces and ammunition were 
dispatched to him for that purpose. Consequently the entire 
force retraced their steps, reaching Newbury on the 7th of 
November. From Cromwell's statement to the Commons, it 
appears that he commended these Bcrkshke Downs as a suitable 


position "for lying in the King's way" with his returning 
army, and indeed tnis locality narrowly escaped being the scene 
of a bloody conflict between the two armies; for no sooner 
had Cromwell quitted Chilton Plain, than the royal forces took up 
their quarters on the same spot on the Downs where their enemies 
had encamped the preceding day. But as this is somewhat anti- 
cipating the course of events, it will be necessary to return to the 
proceedings of the King after his retreat to Batn. 

When the King met Bupert at Bath, the Prince had with him 
about 400 horse and 600 foot, making, with the King's own troop 
and followers, about 1300 men. With this strength Charles and 
his nephew marched out of Bath on Wednesday, 30th of October, 
and quartered that night at Sherston near Malmesbury; next day 
they reached Cirencester, where the King received a letter from 
Sir Jacob Astley (created Baron Astley of Reading a few da;^s 
after, at Oxford), informing him of the good condition of his 
army, with advice to his Majesty to advance speedily, and, with 
the additional forces then at his command, to march again to New- 
bury, disengage his cannon, and offer the enemy battle. From 
Cirencester the King marched to Burford, and by the way he 
met the Earl of Northampton, with those regiments which had 
relieved Banbury; and he also received the intelligence that 
General Gerrard and Sir Marmaduke Langdale, with a force of 
4000 horse and foot, would encamp that night at Stow-on-the- 
Wold. Whereupon^ to give more ease to the troops, and to make 
preparations for his march to Newbury, the King left his force 
at JBurford, and hastenec^. with his guards and attendants, to 
Oxford, which he entered on the 1st of November, being received 
with great joy and acclamation, after his long iabsence of five 
months, during which time he had passed through and overcome 
many difficulties. 

Meanwhile^ between the action on the 27th October and the 
King's return to Oxford, the Parliament's forces entered Newbury; 
and, with a strong body of horse and foot, surrounded Donnington 
Castle. They again summoned the indomitable Boys to surren- 
der, assuring him this time, that, if he did not instantly comply, 
they would not leave one stone upon another. " If so, I am not 
bound to repair it," was the Governor's scornful reply. Being 
urged a second and a third time, with the offer that he should be 
permitted to march out with all the arms, ammimition, and 
stores deposited in the Castle, — ^'^ Carry away," he said, "the 
Castle walls themselves, if you can; but, with God's help, I am 
resolved to keep the ground they stand on, till I have orders 
from the King, my master, to quit it, or wiU die upon the spot." 
An assault was consequently determined on, but the officer who 
who led the storming party having fallen at their head, and great 
differences prevailing among the Generals, nothing further was 
at that time dona The Royalist journal, " Mercurius Aulicus,'* 



for Sunday, Nov. 17, 1644, gives the following account of some 
affairs as then reported; — ^"The Rebells sped so ill at downright 
fighting that they now practise a new way of murther, for we are 
certainly advised from Donnington Castle, that when the Rebells 
close besieged the place, they hyred a souldier to poyson their 
Well on the north side of the Castle, which lay without the 
workes, between the Rebell's trenches and the workes. This 
souldier having informed the rebells that the Well was most 
necessary for the support of that garrison received his twenty 
shiUings (for that was all this poor Kebell demanded^), and in the 
night time conveyed the poyson down the Well, but next 
morning the commander (toucht it seems with the horror of the 
fact^ sent a Drum with a letter to Sir John Boys to rive 
notice what was done. The Governor returned thanks to their 
Commander, and at first fit opportunity drew 40 musqueteers 
out of the Castle, and in the face of the rebells cleaned the 
WeU, taking out the bag of poyson, and digging it deeper. 
After which time we kept the Well in despight of the 
Rebells, and to make tryall whether or no the Well was truely 
poysoned, we tryed the experiment upon a Horse, which having 
drunk of it, swell'd and dyed within 24 hours/* This Well has 
recently been discovered on the north-west side of the Castle, 
about 400 yards from the buildings. By the nature of the 
ground it is screened from the observation of an enemy posted 
on Snelsmore Common; so that the garrison could obtain water 
thence without exposure or difficulty. 

At this titne the Earl of Brentford, who had been wounded on 
the 27th, sought temporary shelter in the Castle, where his Lady 
attended him; and tne Parliamentarians, hearing he was there, 
sent Col. Hurry to his old general, with large offers, if he would 
give up the place, or induce Boys to do so, — a proposal 
rejected with indignation. This will be the last mention of the 
shifting Colonel, Sir John Hurry, who ended his life in the 
King's service. He was taken prisoner with Montrose, and was 
executed with him and about 40 more of the Marquis's followers, 
at Edinburgh, May 21, 1650. On the 30th Oct., three days after 
the battle. Lord Brentford, having somewhat recovered from his 
wounds, obtained a guide to direct him by cross-roads to Bath, 
where he was anxious to rdoin the King and inform him of the 
safe retreat of the army to Wallingford. But he was pursued by 
a party of the enemy's horse, led by Col. Birch, and his Lady was 
• taken prisoner. The general, however, managed to escape, owing 
as Skippon in his dispatch states, to one of their party unad- 
visedly sounding a trumpet near where he was reposing himself.* 

* This episode is related in a most interesting document recently printed by 
the Camden Society, entitled "A Military Memoir of Col. John Birch." That 
portion referring to the capture of Lady Brentford, is given in the Appendix. 


As soon as the King came to Christ-Church, Oxford, he 
conferred the dignity of Knighthood on Colonel Gage, who, in 
his Majesty's absence, had done well both in defence of that city, 
and in the relief of Basing and Banbury. Charles also grate- 
fuUy thanked the members of his Council, who had managed his 
affairs since his departure. This having been done, the succeed- 
^^ d^ys were employed in making preparations to take the 
field ; a new train of artillery was expeditiously formed, and the 
whole army put into good serviceable condition. 

On Wednesday, the 6th of November^ the royal army was 
drawn out on Bullinffton Green, near Oxford, and inq)ected by 
the King, who found ne had a force of 6000 foot and 5000 horse, 
with wluch ajgam to try his fortune at Newbury. Prince Kuper* 
consented without reluctance to supersede Lord Brentford as 
Commander erf the King's forces; whilst the old General was- 
solaced with the post of Lord-Chamberlain ta the Prmce of 

On Thursday the King marched with his troops to Walling- 
ford, and the day following, Friday, 8th November, the army 
encamped on IMey Downs, while His Majesty quartered with 
Bishop Goodman at WestJlsley Keetory.* 

On Saturday morning the King marched jfrom Hsley towards 
Newbuiy; and the succeeding events of the day are thus stated 
in detail by Sir Edward Walker :f — On Saturday ''our army 
marched in battalia, expecting some opposition. The van was 
led by his Highness Prince liupert and General Gterrard. In 
this order we marched, and got possession of the heath on the 
backside of D^inington Castle,j: irom which a small force of the 
rebels might have kept us, the entrance into it being steep and 
the way very narrow,§ and then we must have gone about and 
fallen in by way of Speene.|| On that heath the army was drawn 
up about twelve of the clock, and every one prepared to fight. 
Thence in good order we marched by Bennington Castle, passing 

* Dr. Gk)odmaii then held the Rectory of West Hsley, in eommendamy with the 
See of Gloucester, of which he was deprived by Archbishop Laud in 1640 f(» 
refusing to subscribe to the Canons ; but was restored upon his submission. He 
was sequestrated by the OommitteiB o{ Plundered Ministers, for his tithes of 
West Ilsley. In a petition to the Protector Cromwell, the Bishop says that his 
''great losses were such as he thinks no man suffered more,'* and complains that 
a Mr. Humphrey Newbery, who was appointed by the Committee to ofi&date the 
Cure, came with a body of soldiers to West Hsley and forcibly took possession of 
his Living. Dr. GkxKbnan ultimately became a Roman Ca&olic, and died in 
that faith Jany* 9, 1655. Dr. Gk)odman is said to have been concerned in the 
noble design of bringing the New River Water into London. See Walker's 
** Sufferings of the (Scrgy," Pt. 11, p. 33. The old Rectory-house at West 
Ilsley, an mteresting Elizabethan building, was taken down about 35 years since. 

t " Hist. Discourses," pp. 118, 119. 

t Snelsmore Common. The King's route was by Chieveley and North-heath. 

{ Bussock Hill. 

Through Winterboume. 


the river at a mill, and two fords below it* without any opposi- 
tion, and thence drew into the lar^e field between Speene and 
Newbery, where the amw was set in (wder. The rebels in the 
interim drew a great bo^ of horse and foot into the other field 
towards Shaw, having made l»eastwork& and batteries on the 
backside of Newbery towards both these fields,-f resolving to 
keep the town, which was the reason they gave ns so easie a 
passage to the heath behind Donninffton, About three in the 
afternoon we advanced within reach of their cannon, which th^ 
discharged amongst us without doing fwiy hurt. Then a body of 
our horse charged another of theirs in the lower field J and 
routed them, pursuing them almost to their breastworks ; when 
the rebel musquetiers placed in the lane between the two fields § 

fave fire on our horse and caused them to retreat (though without 
isorder). In the interim we could discover a great body of their 
horse on the hill on the south side of Newbury || almost at a 
stand whether to come down or retire. The armys being now on 
the point of being engaged, His Majesty advised with his Council 
what was fittest to be done, who considering that he had already 
effected what he came for thither, which was to relieve Denning- 
ton (provisions being put in in the interim) that it was in his 
power to draw off his ordnance and ammunition thence; and that 
he had sufficiently regained the opinion and honour of the day, 
by passing his army over the river in the face of theirs, and offering 
them battel if they durst draw out, and withal considering how 
dangerous it might prove to force them to fight, having tne ad- 
vantages of breastworks and batteries and a town at their backs, 
it was unanimously concluded that we should draw off and attempt 
them no further. And to let them know that we did it not out of 
any apprehension. Prince Rupert sent a Trumpet [a '*Drum" or 
"Trumpet" was equivalent to a flag of truce], to give them 
notice of our intentions, so that, if it had been their will, they 
might have fallen on our rear.. But they suffered us quietly 
to pass with drums beating and trumpets sounding the same 
ways we came over the nver. His Majesty lay that night 

— M. 

* Donnington MlQ. The fords over the MiU-stream and the Lambome. Tlais 
mill was probably a dependency of the Castle in medisBval times. 

t These breastworks and batteries T^ere in the Marsh, then open to the fields 
aboYe-described, at the back of Speenhamland. The remains of the earthworks 
still existing in the Marsh are shown on the Plan. They were but "sorry 
works," as Skippon describes them. 

J The ** lower field*' is that nearest to Shaw Avenue. 

§ The "lane between the two fields" was the old road te Oxford, which 
followed about the same line as the modem highway from Newbury. 

II The body of horse seen on the hill on the south side of Newbury was that 
under Cromwell, in the meadows below the Wash, on the left of the Wash Hoad 
from the town. Manchester accuses Cromwell of not coming up with this body 
of cavalry until after the King had marched away ; but Cromwell refcorts that 
Manchester was "most ready to finde the danger or infeisibility of draweing out 
to interpose." 


in Donninffton Castle, and all the army about him. In this 
action we lost one Captain of horse * and about fourteen Foot 
slain by their cannon in the retreat; and I believe the rebels lost 
twice that number." 

Some traces of this skirmish were discovered in the year 1869, 
when two skeletons were foimd in the garden of the premises 
belonging to Mr. J. H. Money, in Speenhamland. The skeletons 
were both perfect, and lay side by side, one on its back and 
the other on its face, and both in the direction east and 
west, about two-and-a-half feet below the surface. A piece 
of clothing, like a soldier's coat-trimming, and some brass 
buttons and portions of accoutrements were found with the 
remains; also a gold ornament, somewhat like a fastening, a spur, 
and the bowl of a 17th-century tobacco-pipe. Scores of such 

Eipes have been picked up in the neighbourmg fields. There is 
ttle doubt that these were two troopers, most probably 
officers, "brothers in arms," who fell in the above mentioned 
skirmish, which took place over this very ground on Nov. 9th, 
1644. Some fifty years ago a skeleton, having a large gash 
in the skull, was discovered, with a sword by its side, not far 
from the same spot; and more recently another skeleton was 
exhumed in the rear of the adjoining premises occupied by 
Mr. Adnams. 

A correspondent of a London Diurnal i" communicates the 
following inteUigence from the Parhamentary army, in connection 
with the return of the King to Donnington Castle: — ^"Friday, 
Nov. 8. — ^This day the King designed a partie of 6 or 7000 horse 
and foot to relieve Dennington Castle and to fetch away such 
things out of the Castle as were most materiall, vizt. — 

1. The Kingia Crown, which His Majesty wore on some high 

dayes, and had carried and brougnt back from Exeter. 

2. The Great Scale, and other Scales wnich the Lord-keeper 

had left also in the said Castle. 

3. The King's writings and divers Writs of great conse- 

quence, which were also carried in thither. 

4. Divers Jewells, much gould, silver, and other treasure, 

which was also in the said Castle. 

5. That they should endeavour to bring away what artillery 

and ammunition they could. 

6. To carry relief with them to the Castle. 

"This party was at Wallingford, from whence they were to 
march to Dennington, and the Castle of Dennington doth so 
command all the fields between the Castle and Newbery, that it 
is not safe for our army to march out there; yet some guards of 

* Capt. Fitzmanrice, of the Prince of Wales' regiment. 

t '* Perfect Passages of each Dayc*s Proceedings in Parliament," Nov. 6 to 
Nov. 13, 1644. 


horse were still out and the enemy from the Castle play'd this 
day very fast, many cannon- bullets falling in Newbery. 

" Saturday, Nov. 9. — ^This day there came intelligence that the 
night before the enemy in Bennington Castle had not only made 
shot with their cannon gainst Newbery, but made many 
flourishes, and at night made a great fire at the top of the 
Castle, so that the Earl of Manchester, Sir Wm. Waller, Lt.-Genl. 
Cromwell, and Sir William Balfour (to whom the charge of the 
armies for the present is committed) began to suspect the enemy 
coming that way, and so special care was taken for securing our 
armies in their quarters that night, lest the enemy should come 
on a sudden, that therefore their outguards should be ready, 
which was performed with a great deal of paines^ care, and 
discretion, but more especially to oppose the enemy between 
Kingsclere and Dennington Castle, if they came, which wa& their 
direct way from Wallingford, and no other was probable. 

"Tuesday, Nov. 12. — Besides that spoken of in the instructions 
to the King's forces, there was left in Dennington Castle about 
18 small pieces of artillery carried into the Castle, besides 5 or 6 
great pieces of ordnance that were planted on the works below,, 
and good store of ammunition, some say 60 cart-loads, besides 
30 cart-loads they took with them, what of this was carried away 
they will not tell us. But about 5 o'clock in the afternoon they 
retreated with what they had taken out of the Castle, and what 
they brought in is best known to themselves, but what they did 
was in a short time, and the great pieces Ue still upon their 

To return to our narrative, on Sunday morning, the 10th 
of November, the King's troops were drawn up in marching 
order on the heath adjoining Donnin^on Castle, with so 
many of the guns which had been left with the garrison after 
the retreat on the 27th October, as they could conveniently 
take with them, attached to their train. All being in readi- 
ness, the King bade farewell to the gallant governor Sir John 
Boys, and looked, it may be imagined, with tearful eye on 
the shot-wrecked walls of Dennington, which had been main- 
tained in his cause with such fidelity, and which was to himself 
so full of stirring memories of disaster and defeat, but never of 
dishonour. The trumpets gave a parting blast, answered by a 
hearty cheer from Boys' merry men on tne Castle walls, as the 
King, accompanied by Prince Rupert and his retinue, led the 
vanguard over the heatL Soon, however, the sound of drums 
and trumpets died away, and the Httle company of heroes at the 
Castle were once more left alone. 
From Snelsmore Heath the army marched to Winterboume,* 

* The Winterbourne estate at that time belonged to the Head family, one of 
whom was Lord Falkland's host at Newbury. 


where the troops were halted, it is said, to give thanks to God 
for their great success; the King, Prince Rupert, and the chief 
officers of his staff, attending divme service in the parish church. 
The route was then by Boxiord and Shefford to Lambome; and 
here the King took up his residence with Mr. Garrard;* the 
main body of the foot being quartered in the town, and the horse 
at Wantage and the intermediate villages. This is referred to in 
the following terms by a Parliamentary scout: — ^''Monday, 11 
November 1644 The last night the Kmg's head-quarters were 
at Wantage and Lambome; and a part of the horse took off all 
the provision they could meet as they went along by Peesemoure 
and other villages, and intended to quarter this niglit at Auburn 
and Ramsbury; and wee heare they intend to relieve Basing. 
That all the foot which lay at Lambome marcht away this 
morning towards Aubome, where they had a rendezvous, and 
intended to quarter there that night, but there came a sudden 
allarm that the Parliament horse were coming after them, that 
they gave a comand that they should march to Marlbrough, 
and in the aftemoone they march'd out of Wantage, having 2500 
horse and many stragling foot. They report that a party of their 
foot was to winter at Marlbrough, the rest to go to Winchester. 
The King is reported this night to bee at the army againe."-|- 

The Parliament Generals, upon the intelligence that the King 
was quietly marching away, rode to the top of Clay Hill, " to 
looke uppon the departing enemy," and then called the inevit- 
able Council of War, which resulted in the customary wrangle, 
and in the usual inaction. But one of their officers, whose 
name is not recorded, determined to have one slash at the 
King before he was out of their reach; and, having got a few 
horse together, started in pursuit. His advance, however, having 
been noticed by Rupert, the Prince unobserved placed a body of 
his cavalry in a barn by the road-side, and let the pursuers pass; 
but the moment they reached the King's lines, the ambushed 
troopers came out from their hiding place and took the Parlia- 
ment men "front and rear," so that, as Symonds records, 15 of 

* The principal residence of the Berkshire Garrards was at Kingwood, about 
one mile from Lambome, on the road to Marlborough by way of Rmnsbury, and 
occupied a beautiful position on an eminence overlooking the Lambome Valley. 
The old house (where a room in the east wing was long shown as*"** The King's 
Chamber") was taken down many years ago. The Mansion must have been of 
considerable extent, judging from traces of the foundations; and the remaining 
stabling attests its having been of the Elizabethan character. The line of the 
avenue, leading from the high-road, and crossing the park, is still defined by a 
few trees here and there; and man^ other vestiges of former importance can be 
discerned. Queen Henrietta Mana was also at Kingwood, April 18th, 1644, 
on her journey from Oxford to Bristol. There are several memorials of the 
Garrards in Lambome Church. The arms of the Garrards ef Lambome wer^ 
azure, a chevron engrailed ermine. 

t Sir Samuel Luke's Letter-book; Egerton MSS. 


them were killed and more taken prisoners. This was the only- 
effort made to oppose or harass the King's march. 

From Lambome, the Lords Capel, Hopton, and Culpepper, 
with other officers, were sent on to Marlborough to provide 
quarters for the army, and to levy contributions on the inha- 
bitants of the district for the support of the King's forces. 

On Tuesday, 12th November, wnich turned out (says Symonds) 
"a miserable wett windv day," the army moved on from Lam- 
bome to Marlborough, tne King quartermg in the house of Lord 
Seymour* at the Castle. The army was encamped on the 
Downs at Fyfield, about two miles distant. 

The King remained five days at Marlborough, during which 
time he personally superintended the fortifications of the place ; 
and he found that the fierce threats of his officers of the 
Commisariat department had so strongly impretjsed the terrified 
inhabitants of the district, that not only were the wants of the 
troops amply provided for, but a sufficient quantity of food and 
forage was left to supply some of his necessitous garrisons. The 
^eater part of the hay and com which the neighbourhood had 
just harvested was sent off, with a body of cavalry, to Worcester; 
and arrangements were made for re-victualling the garrisons at 
Donnington Castle and Basing. 

The loUowing warrant will show the manner in which these 
supplies were procured: — 

"To the High Constables of Ramsbury Hund. and to each of them: 

"These are in His Majestie's name to command you or either of you 
to charge, provide, and send in, out of your Hundred to my quarters 
at Andrew Q^ddard's House at Ogbome St. Andrew, near Marlbury, 
for the use of his Majestie, two and twenty hundred weight of bread, 
twelve hundred weight of cheese, three fat Beefs, tenn fatt Muttons, 
fewer dosens of poultrie, forty bushells of oates, twenty buBhells of 
beanns and pease, also you are straitly charg'd to bringe in eight able 
and sufficient Teems with Carts for His Majestie's necessary service. 
Charging you and every one of you and every petty constable in your 
hundred not to presume the least neglect in the due and speedy 
execution hereof in every particular, and that all the said provisions 
and carts be brought in oy three o'clock in the afternoone next 
Simday, as you tender the good of His Majestie's service, your owne 
persons and estates. Given imder my hand this 14th day of Novem- 
ber, 1644. Wm. Morgan, Commissary. 

* Francis, Lord Seymour, was brother to the Marquis of Hertford, afterwards 
Duke of Somerset. It was this Lord Seymour who built the house at Maxl- 
borough, afterwards known as the "Castle Inn," and which subsequently 
constituted the nucleus of the present famous School-house. The plans and 
elevatioim of this house were furnished by Inigo Jones, who was of the same 
political party as the Seymours, and then at the height of his fame as an 
architect. Ramsbury Manor-house also is said to have been built from designs 
by Inigo Jones ; but this was the work of his pupil and nephew John Webb. 
Ihe King quartered at Ramsbury Manor in April, 1644 ; where also Cromwell 
visited Lord Pembroke 12 July, 1649. 


"You or either of you are required to be there present, with, a 
return of the names of those who shall refuse to perform what is 
chardged upon them." * 

Another warrant, dated at Marlborough, empowers the oflRcers to 
seize all such "Physick and Chirurgery" in that town as shall be 
necessary for the use of the army, the owners to be paid out of the 
contributions from the district. 

At a Council of War held at Marlborough on Saturday, the 
16th November, it was decided that the relief-party to be sent to 
Basing should consist of 1000 horse, each trooper carrying before 
him a bag of com or other provisions, and should march so as to 
reach there by a given time (communicated to the garrison), then 
each should throw down his sack, and make good his retreat as 
best he could. To effect this design, Hungerford was thought 
the most fitting place in which to quarter the army, and whence 
to dispatch the enterprize. Its conduct was entrusted to Sir 
Henry Gage, who had had such good success on a former occasion. 
Accordingly the troops marched back to Hungerford, where they 
an'ived the same evening, f 

The next day (Sunday) Sir Francis Doddington came to the 
King, out of the West, with a newly raised body of 500 horse. 

While the King was at Marlborough, the Parliamentarians, 
hearing of his intention as regards Basing, left Newbury with 
the ^eater part of their force, with the view (as Cromwell states 
in his "Charge against Manchester") of proceeding to Kingsclere, 
"for a more direct interposicion in the King's way to Basing, and 
that there, we might fight with him upon tne downes, if he came 
that way, and lye ready (if he should bend towardes Newberry) to 
repossesse it before him; and on those grounds onely and to that 
end was our remove agreed to in full CounceU:" "But," adds 
Cromwell, "being thus got out, and upon our way to Kingscleare, 
having intelligence that the King was coming by Hungerford 
towardes Newberry, his Lordship [Manchester] would then neither 
go on to Kingscleare, nor return into Newberry, but upon new 
pretences (without the Councell of Warre) tum'd his course to 
Aldermarston Twhich was five miles homewards from Newberry, 
and seaven miles nearer home then Kingscleare). And, though 
Kingscleare was the knowne direct roade to Basing, yet he 
pretended to turn to Aldermarston with intent to goe directly 
to Basing, and that he would fight the Kinff there which way 
soever he should come, if he attempted to releive it. This gave 
some satisfaction for present, but from Aldermarston his Lord- 

* Sir E. Walker's papers, Harl. MSS., 6802; 295. Many other interesting 
papers relating to the doings of the King's army at Marlborough will be found 
in the same collection. 

t The King's quarters, while at Hungerford, were at the Bear Inn. It was at 
this same hostelry, that William, Prince of Orange received James II. 's Com« 
missioners in Dec. 1688. 



ship would not be got to Basing (makeing excuses), but with 
much adoe being got out next day to Mortimer Heath, he would 
not be perswaded to goe on any further, alledging that many of 
his soldiers were run to Redding, and more would goe thither 
(being got so neare it); that (when he pretended for Basing) 
draweing the army to Aldermarston (which was cleare out of 
the way) he brought the soldiers soe neare Redding that they 
would be running thither, and then made their running thither 
an occasion to avoyde going to Basing at all, and at last to drawe 
all to Redding/; 

Manchester, in his Defence, says — " So, uppon our intelligence 
of the King's remove from Marlbarrow, it was supposed hee was 
marching to Basing, to releive it with his army, wee conceived it 
fitting to march that day to Oldermeiston, where wee continued 
uppon the feilds, and, if the enemy went to Baseing, to endevour 
to intercept him; and so at Oldermeiston, at a councell of warr, 
where the question was only, whether it was councellable to 
fight or not, and concluded by all, no man speaking so much 
against fighting as Cromwell, and so unanimously consenting 
not to fight, but to endeavour to hinder the releife of Baseing, or 
to withdrawe the forces, which weare lying before Baseing, and 
so to keepe our armies intire, dividing ourselves, the foote at 
Redding and Henly, and our horse all about Fernham, Oking- 
ham, Windsor, Maydenhead, and Stwins " [Staines]. 

No sooner had the Parliamentarians left Newbury than the 
Governor of Donnington Castle, exasperated with the inhabitants 
for their refusal to afford succour to his garrison in any way, 
made a sally into the town "on the Lord's day," with the 
intention of seizing the Mayor and some of the principal inhabi- 
tants, and carrying them prisoners to the Castle, and demanding 
a ransom for their release. This design Sir John Boys nearly 
accomplished before an alarm was given, and a party of ParHa- 
mentary horse quartered in the town came to the rescue. A 
Parliamentary Journal * affirms that the party from the Castle 
went to the Mayor of the Town and pulled him out of his house, 
which they plundered, and that they "abused his whole family 
most shamefully;" and that they then went to the houses of 
eight or nine more chief persons in the place, dragged them also out 
of their dwellings, " abused their wives, children, and servants,** 
and carried away great plunder; and that the gentlemen them- 
selves were actually conveyed prisoners to Donmngton Castle. 

To return, however, — the Parliamentarians having withdrawn 
from Basing, Sir Henry Gage's expedition for its rehef was satis- 
factorily accomplished; and Sir George Lisle, with 1000 men, 
took an ample supply of provisions to Sir John Boys at Donning- 

* "Perfect Passages of each Day's Proceedings in Parliament," "Wednesday. 
Kov. 20, 1644. 


ton Castle, and brought back "without let or hindrance" the rest 
of the spare and military stores, which had been left behind a 
few days previously. Botn Donnington Castle and Basing having 
now been well cared for, the King decided to return to Oxford, 
with the intention, if practicable, of surprising the Parliament's 
garrison at Abingdon on his way. 

On Tuesday, the 19th November, which was the King's birth- 
dajr, the army marched jGrom Hungerford to Great Shefford, his 
Majesty lodging for the night at the old Manor-house. In his 
"Diary" (p. 153), CaptSymonds writes — ^"Tuesday, 19 November 
His Majestie lay at Gt. Shefford in the old Manor-House of 
Mr. Browne, Esq., co. Berks; a parke belonging to it. This day 
a soljer hanged for plunder, but the rope broke." A portion of 
the old Manor-House is still standing, and the meadows sur- 
rounding are still called the "Home Park" In the chancel 
of the adjoining Church is a monument to Sir George Browne^ 
Knight of the Bath, who died in 1678. His younger brother 
John was created a baronet 19th May, 1665. This title became 
extinct in 1774, on the demise, without issue, of the 5th Baronet, 
Sir John Browne. This family was a younger branch of the- 
Brownes, Viscounts Montague. Among the Sequestration and 
Composition Papers in the British Museum Library (Addl. MSS., 
No. 5508), is the following statement — ^''Mr. Browne, of Shefforde, 
being proved a papist and in armes, his estate, worth £200 p. 
aniim, was let at Micheallmas last at £70 to Mr. Browne's baley^ 
and £1000 profered for his stock, and secueritie for the munies, 
was sould to his baly for £400 p." 

In his "Diary," on the same day (Nov. 19), Captain Symonds^ 
also inserts the following notes^ — 

'*Lord B. [Lord Bernard Stuart] and troope at Little Fawley, the* 

neate and faire habitadon of the Lady Moore, wife to Sir Henry. 

— ^Paiated over the porch at Lady Moore's howse — * 
** Argent, a moor-cock sable [Moore]. Motto — Eegi et legi. 
'*The same; impaling, argent, a saltire engrailed gules, a chief 

azure, **Twittye*" Suum cuique pulchmm, 
*' Champion all this part of Berks, f 
''He that built this howse was Sergeant Moore, { temp. D. Egerton,. 

Cane: Sir Henry was his son. Nothing but Moore's coate in the 

church of Fawley." § 

* A great portion of this Mansion stiU exists, and is occupied as a farm-house.^ 
The arms over the porch are gone ; and the Church has been rebuilt. 

t '' Champion" i.e. champion land; land not inclosed; downs and open fields. 

% The celebrated lawyer Sir Francis Moore, who was bom at East Hsley in 
1558, died Nov. 20, 1621, and was buried at Great Fawley. Sir Francis married 
Anne, heiress of William Twitty, Esq., of Boreham in Essex, by whom he had 
five sons and five daughters. Henry the eldest, referred to by Symonds, was 
created a baronet in 1627, and died in 1635, when his son, of the same name, 
succeeded to the title and estates. The Baronetcy became extinct on the demise 
of Sir Thomas, 6th Baronet, without issue, 10th April, 1807. 

4 Symonds's "Diary," p. 164L 


On Wednesday, Nov. 20th, the King marched to Wantage, 
passing the night at the house of Sir George Wilmot at Charlton; 
and on Thursday he went on to Faringdon, lodging while at 
Farinedon with his garrison at Sir Robert Pye's house, near the 
Church. After remaining here a day, the King quitted the 
army, and, accompanied mr his guard, proceeded to Oxford, to 
which city he made a safe and happy return on Saturday the 
23rd November. 

No sooner had the King left the army than Prince Rupert, 
strong in the power of his own will, determined to make an 
attack on the garrison at Abingdon; but the vigilant and able 

governor Brown was not to be easily caught; and the Prince, 
aving lost several of his men, was glad to get back again to 
Faringdon, little satisfied with the result of his expedition. The 
King's army were then put into their winter cantonments, and 
Rupert joined the King at Oxford. 

The Parliamentary historian, Oldmixon, the bitter opponent of 
the Stuarts, with creditable candour, thus speaks of the King's 
admirable conduct in this campaim. "If the same courage and 
conduct had been shewn by the King in so good a cause as that 
of King William at the Boyne, his lame and his memory would 
have been equally glorious and immortal." 

The disappointment in Parliament, and in London generally, 
at the result of the Second Battle at Newbury was extreme. 
The day after the news arrived of the engagement between the 
two armies the monthly fast took j)lace as usual (Oct 30, 1644), 
as if there were no subject for rejoicing. Disagreeable rumours 
began to circulate : the victory, it was said, mignt have been far 
more decisive ; but discord had reigned amongst the generals, 
who had suffered the King to retreat without impediment, almost 
in the very face of the army, on a bright moonhght night, when 
the least movement might have prevented it. It was much 
worse when the news came that the King had just reappeared in 
the neighbourhood of Newbury, — that he had, without interrup- 
tion, removed his artillery from Donnington Castle, — and had 
even offered to renew the battle, without tne Parliamentary army 
quitting its inaction. The clamour became general, and the 
House of Commons ordered an enquiry. Cromwell had only 
waited for this opportunity, to break out: — " It is to the Earl of 
Manchester," he said, "all the blame is to be imputed, ever since 
the battle of Marston Moor ; he is afraid to conquer, afraid of a 
great and decisive success ; but now, when the King was last 
near Newbury, nothing would have been more easy than entirely 
to destroy his army. I went to the General; 1 showed him 
evidently how this could be done ; I desired his leave to make 
the attack with my own brigade ; other officers urged this with 
me, but he obstinately refused; saying only, that if we were 


entirely to overthrow the King's army, the King would still be 
King, and always have another army to keep up the war ; while 
we, if we were beaten, should no longer be any thing but rebels 
and traitors, execrated and forfeited by the law." These last 
words greatly moved Parliament, who could not endure that any 
should suggest a doubt as to the legality of their resistance. 
Next day, in the Upper House, Manchester answered this attack; 
explained his conduct and his words; and in turn accused Crom- 
well* of insubordination, of falsehood, even of treachery; for on 
the day of the battle (he said) neither he nor his regiment 
appeared at the post assigned them. Cromwell did not reply to 
this charge; but renewed his own accusations more violently 
than before. 

It would be foreign to the design of this Memoir to devote 
much space to the elucidation of the notorious quarrel between 
Manchester and Cromwell, which has been so largely treated of 
by recent writers. This great leading incident in the history of 
our Civil War, observes Professor Masson,* "brought to the 
surface and into direct antagonism principles of the very greatest 
significance in reference to the management of the war; and the 
triumph of the movement-party on that occasion led directly to 
the ruin of the royal cause." Indeed, it enabled Cromwell, by 
the exercise of extraordinary finesse, to bring forward and 
successfully carry through the Commons the "Self-denying 
Ordinance," which enacted — 

" That duriag the time of this War no member of either House shall 
have or execute any office or command, military or civil, granted 
or conferred by both or either of the Houses of Parliament, or 
any authority derived from both or either of the Houses, and that 
an Ordinance be brought in accordingly." 

The Ordinance was rejected by the Lords. The Commons had 
found another way of effecting their great purpose of army 
reform, by requiring the Committee of both kingdoms to report 
at once on " The New Model of the Army," which they had been 
instructed to devise. This had been done on the 9th January, 
1645; and by the 28th it had passed the Commons; and on 
February 15th, "The New Model Ordinance" became law. It 
was no longer of any use for the Lords to stand out against 
"The Self-denying Ordinance." That Ordinance, in fact, was 
already realized in the fabric of the " New Model;" and, accord- 
ingly, having been reintroduced into the Commons in a 
modified form, and having passed that House, it received the 
assent of the Lords on April 3rd, 1645. On the preceding day, 
the Earls of Essex and Manchester had simplified matters by 
formally resigning their military commands. The commander- 

* Historical Preface to the "Quarrel between the Earl of Manchester and 
Oliver CromweU." — Camden Soc, 1875. 


in-chief of the New Model Army was to be Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
and the Maior-General, or third in command, was to be Philip 
Skippon. Ihe place of Lieutenant-General, or second in com- 
mand, was at first left vacant, but CromwelFs name, exempted 
by special vote jGrom the operation of the " Self-denying Ordin- 
ance," was soon inserted into the "New Model Army," in the 
f>ost of Lieutenant-General, which had been purposely Kept open 
or him. Thence, through successive stages, followed the rest of 
his career, ending in his Protectorship of the United Common- 
wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with their Colonies 
and Dominions. 

Professor Masson further remarks that the accurate student of 
English history will note that the termination of this famous 
quarrel between Cromwell and Manchester coincides in time with 
another great event, distinct from the new modelling of the army 
and the Self-Denying Ordinance, namely the Establishment of 
the Presbyterian system in England, the first definite votes for 
which, in the two Houses, were made in January, 1644-5. 

It is worthy of record that the new model army, on their first 
march, came to Newbury. On the 30th April, Fairfax marched 
from Windsor to Reading ; and on the 2nd May quartered in the 
town of Newbury, where a meeting took place between the 
General and Cromwell.* Fairfax then went on his way to 
Taunton ; but, being recalled, with orders to invest Oxford, the 
army again returned to Newbury on the 14th; where they 
remained, "to refresh," three days. Within a few weeks (14th 
June) came the crowning defeat of the King at Naseby. 

The end of this phase of the Great War was rapidly approach- 
ing ; and a brief reference to the later history of Donnington 
Castle, as a royal garrison, which is related in a most interesting 
and hitherto unpublished narrative (given in the Appendix), 
will be sufficient to precede the closing scene. 

The Parliament during the spring and summer of 1645 had 
too important work on hand to be able to pay much attention to 
Donnington Castle ; but in the autumn of that year it was deter- 
mined to set about the siege in earnest. Cromwell strongly 
urged the House to curb the predatory excursions of Sir John 
Boys and the Governors of Wallingford and Faringdon, which so 
injuriously interfered with the trade between London and the 
West; and, for that purpose, he advised "a strong quarter" 
being made at Newbury. Late in October Cromwell and CoL. 
Dalbier were near that town, after the taking of Basing House 
(14th Oct., 1645). The Parliament had ordered that Donnington 
Castle should be taken; and had sent letters to the three 
Committees in Oxfordshire, Berks, and Bucks to join forces for 
this purpose. Cromwell seems to have weighed the chances of 

* Sprigg's "Anglia Rediviva." 


an assault, and to have decided against it, declining such a 
"knotty piece of service;" for he marched into Devonshire to 
join Fairfax, leaving Dalbier to invest the Castle, which he did 
m November. Boys still held out until March, in which month 
he made his last sally, and took 50 of Dalbier's men prisoners. 
This exploit and other incidents of the last days of the siege are 
thus described in the "Weekly Account," under date of Thursday, 
26th March, 1646. "From Dennington we have received intelli- 
gence that Col. Dalbeer, drawing up close to the Castle to break 
the ground and intrench our men, tne enemy at our beginning to 
break the ground sallied forth, took 50 prisoners, two colors, and 
some of the spades and piekaxes, but this retarded not the work, 
for since that time he hath shot divers granadoes into the Castle, 
fired the Bam and some other Outhouses, and done some execu- 
tion on the main Fabrick, which hath brought the enemy to 
stoop and send out to desire a parley, which being refused the 
Governor hath sent to Oxford desiring to be satisfied in time 
whether he may expect reliefe, for otherwise he must be forced 
to a render on sucn conditions he could get, which his long 
standing out will in no way advance." The following week, 
Tuesday, March 31st, the correspondent of the same journal thus 

Eroceeds to inform its readers of the progress of events : — " I 
ave already told you what execution Col. Dalbeer hath done 
against Dennington Castle, and of the Governour's sending to 
Oxford, I shall m this place give you the sequill; for it is this 
day certified that upon the messenger's going to Oxford Sir John 
Boys (Governor of the Castle) received not only assurance that 
he could expect no relief from Oxford, but further that there was 
a great defeat given to Sir Jacob Astley, which till now he 
seemed ignorant of. Hereupon the Governor stooping to play 
on such conditions as before he seemed to reject, a treaty was 
hearkned unto, and we understand this day by Mr. Packer's son, 
whose inheritance it is (and come from thence this day) that 
Col. Dalbeere is to have the possession thereof tomorrow at nine of 
of the clocke. * * There are in the Castle about 200 common 
souldiers, divers pieces of Ordnance, and good store of Baggage." 
The " Moderate Intelligencer," of the same date, informs its 
readers that "This day came the news of the Accord of Denning- 
ton Castle, which they are to surrender tomorrow ; the granadoes 
made such work that the souldiers within knew not where to 
secure themselves, divers leaping over their works and craving 
quarter; the house will be preserved for that universally wefi 
spoken of gentleman and owner Mr. Packer." 

Boys, wno was cooped up within the fortress, ignorant of the 
state of affairs without, and finding the old walls coming down 
about his ears, upon the return of the King's messenger with 
instructions to deliver up the Castle, surrendered it into the 
hands of Col. Dalbier on the following conditions : — 


Articles agreed upon, Monday, the 30th March, 1646, 


1. It is agreed upon, that Sir Jolm Boys, knight, Govemour of 
Denning^on Castle aforesaid, shall march according to the Articles 
insuing agreed upon (that is to say) upon Wednesday morning next, 
being the first day of April, by 6 of the dock, the GFovemour, with all 
his Officers, Gentlemen, and 8ouldiers, are then to march out with 
Cullers flying and Drums beating, the Gbvemour with 4 horses and 
arms, and every Fit4d Officer wiiii 2, and every Capt. 1, the lieut.- 
Col. of horse with two horses and arms, and tiie other offioerB and 
refonnado officers of horse with 1 horse and arms apiece, 100 of the 
foot soldiers to march with their arms two miles, and the rest to march 
without, towards Wallingford, and then 50 to lay down their arms, 
and the other 50 to march with Cullers flying, <!rums beating, light 
matches, Bullets in their mouth, and Bandeliers fil'd with powoisr. 

2. That if any officer or souldier in this G-arrison hath ueea in the 
Parliament service, shall receive the equall benefit comprised in these 

3. That what officer or souldier late of this garrison shall desire to 
go beyond sea, shall have a Passe to go to London, or to what place 
they shall desire, within the Parliament's quarters, to procure the 
same accordingly. 

4. That all Officers and Souldiers, late of this Garrison, who desire 
to go to their own Mansions or place of residence and several dwell-' 
ings, have a free passe to do so, without being molested or pressed to 
any oath, provided that they be engaged never to take up arms 
against the Parliament. 

5. That there shall be a safe conduct granted to Wallingford 

6. .That there shall be two Carts with teams, provided by the time 
appointed, the one to carry Bir John's baggage, the other to carry 
the Officers'. 

7. That the Governor, Officers, and Souldiers, late of Bennington 
Castle aforesaid, shall at the time deliver up the Castle aforesaid to Col. 
Dulbier for the use of the Parliament, with all the Ordnance, Arms, 
Ammunition, and Provision therein (except what is before expressed), 
without embezzling the arms or ammunition, or demolishing the works. 

8. That the prisoners now in Bennington Castle shcdl upon the 
signing of these articles be delivered forth and set at liberty. 

9. That the wounded Souldiers of the Castle shall have liberty to 
be left in Newbury or elsewhere the Governour pleases, and to have 
present passes, that after their recovery they may go to their severall 
mansions or dwellings without interruption or molestation. 

Coll. Martin, 
Signed Major Rynes, } For Col. Bulbieb. 

Major Collingwood 
Major Bennet, 

Capt. Osborn, } For Sir John Boys. 

Capt. Gregory, 

* ** Perfect Occurrences of Both Houses of Parliament and Martiall Affairs, 
beginning Friday, the 27 March, and ending Friday, 3 April, 1646." 


I-Yom an original portrait. 


The field which tradition points out as that in which Dalbier 
was encamped, and where the treaty for the surrender of the 
Castle was negotiated, is still called "Dalbier's Meadow." It 
lies on the eastern side of the Castle, and near the gardens and 
park of Donnington-Castle House * 

Colonel Dalbier, having been left out of the Parliament's New 
Model Army, left their service and joined the King's side, to 
avenge the affiront. He was engaged with Lord Holland in the 
rising at Kingston-on-Thames m 1648, almost the last struggle 
for the royal cause, when Lord Francis Villiers was killed. Tne 
Earl of Holland, with Dalbier, a few other officers, and about 
100 troopers, managed to escape ; but, being pursued, they were 
forced to engage near St.-]Neots, when Dalbier and young 
Kenelm Digby fell mortally wounded, while the Earl (according 
to Clarendon) ^ve himself up without resistance. Mr. Petit 
Andrews, in his reply to Mores' "Berkshire Queries," 1759, 
mentions that "the coun,try people have a foolish notion that 
Dalbier was invulnerable, and that cannon-balls were seen to 
bound from his body !" 

The honourable and exceptional terms given to the gallant 
and faithful custodian of the Castle, Sir John Boys, bear witness 
that his unshaken lovalty to his King was acknowledged and 
admired by those wno by the chances of war were his enemies; 
and perhaps it would be impossible to find a brighter page in 
the whole history of these Civil Commotions than that which 
records the deeds of daring and devotion of this brave Cavalier. 

* "Hist, of Newbury," p. 67. 





OCTOBBE, 1644. 

(From the ^^ Iter CarolinumP ) 

Friday, 18 Oct. to Andover. The White Hart. (Dinner in the 
field.) 1 night; 15 miles. 

Saturday, 19 Oct. to Whitchurch. Mr. Brooke's.* (Dinner on the 
field.) 2 nights; 7 miles. 

Monday, 21 Oct. to Kingsclere. Mr. Towers', f (Dinner at Whit- 
church.) 1 night; 5 miles. 

Tuesday, 22 Oct. to Newbury. Master Dunce's { night's residence. 
(Dinner at Kingsclere.) 6 nights; 6 miles. 

Monday, 21 October. His Majestic, &c. left Whitchurch, the general 
rendesvouz (sic) upon the Downe near Kingsmill's howse. § 

* Whitchurch. The Kingwhen at Whitchurch quartered at **The Priory," 
the house of Mr. Thomas Brooke, a staunch royalist, whose family had long 
resided at Whitchurch. There are seyeral of their memorials in the Church. 
Thomas Brooke was lay impropriator of the Kectory; but, being proyed a 
"Delinquent" by the Parliament, his estates were sequestrated, and the 
UniisteT of his appointment expelled. The inhabitants of Whitchurch petitioned 
the Committee for Compositions, sitting at Gk>ld£amth8' Hall, to grant an increase 
of stipend, out of Mr. Brooke's estate, to the "Orthodox" minister, Mr. Bell- 
chamber, whose income was only £14 a year, a quarter of malt, and a quarter of 
wheat. The Committee accoK&igly yoted £50 a year for this purpose. The 
petition, which is preserved at the Becord Office, is si^ed by Will. Pointer, 
Bobt. Mills, Biehd. HoUoway, Will. Bolph, Will. Webb, Dan. Clarke, and others. 

t Kingsclere. The residence of Mr. Towers was at Frobury Park, about one 
mile from Kingsclere. Part of the old mansion at Frobury is now occupied as a 
farm-house, on the south side of which are the remains of the ancient chapel. 
A portion of the stone pulpit was in the building within the last fifty years ; and 
at the present time the base of the font, which appears to be of local stone, does 
duty as a horse-block in the farm-yard. The house is partly surrounded by a 
moat, which probably also served as a fish-stew. Foundations have been met 
with in various parts of the grounds, showing that a building of considerable 
extent once existed here. Traces of a carriage-drive to the mansion from the 
EcchinsweU-and-Newbury road are discernible; the chief approach was, as at 
present, from the Kingsclere road on the south. In the "Lay Subsidy BoUs," 

Pub. Becord Office, —, 17 Car. I. 1641, Bobert Towers is described as "of 

Frobury, Gent.," and assessed as owner. This was most probably the gentleman 
who received the King. The property is now life-hold, and reverts to 
Lord Bolton. 

JSee Appendix EC. ♦ 

At Sydmonton. Henry, second son of Sir Henry Kingsmill, of Sydmonton, 
was slain when fighting gaUantly for the King at Edgehill, and was buried in 
the Churchyard of Badway. In Jago's Poem of " Edgehill," there is a print of 
this monument; but only the mutfiated remains of the ^gy now exist, and 
these are preserved in the tower of Badway New Church. In the Kingsmill 
Chapel, Kmgsclere Church, there is a fine alabaster altar-tomb, with ^Sgies of 
Sir Henry and Lady Bridget Kingsmill. 


(From Bymmdfi^B ^^ Diary ^f 

Tuesday, 22 Oct. The general rendesvouz (sic) was upon Bed Heath, 
neare Newbery.f His Majestie knighted Sir John Boys upon 
the hill, the Q-ovemor of l)ennyngton Castle that was so much 
battered, and so often sett upon by aU their forces at several! 
times. The King lay at Mx, Duns his howse in Newbery: 
the troope at Welford, the Manor belonging to Mr. Hinton, 
jure ttxoris, a faire habitacion, com. Berks. 


The late Mr. 0. E. Long, M.A., the able editor of Symonds' Diary^ 
has suggested that the name of the King's host at Newbury during 
the few days he was here before the Second Battle, and which is 
written by Symonds "Duns," and in the 'Iter Carolinum ' *' Dunce,'* 
may have been intended for **Dunch"; but no record has been found 
of any branch of this extremely anti-royalist family having resided in 
Newbury. In the ** Protestation Eetums," given at page 92, the name 
of — Dunce, * Esq., of Newbury, ajjpears written exactly as spelt 
by the careful compiler of the "Iter Carolinum," Ghirter-Kjiig- 
at-Arms, who adds "a night's residence." We are told by "The 
True Informer" for the week ending Oct. 26th, that " His Majesty 
lay Wednesday night at Newbury, at one Mr. Weston's house, 
where he was on Thursday morning, it not being possible for 
him to get to Oxford, by reason of the great floods." If we can 
believe "Mercurius Aulicus," we are spared a deal of xmnecessary 
investigation in endeavouring to identify the house where the King 
stayed, for that paper tells us tt was demolished ! The following is 
the version given by the Royalist chronicler — *' Tuesday, Oct. 29, 1044, 
next morning after His Majesty's army was drawn off from Newbury, 
the Rebells very eagerly entered the town, where they quickly mani- 
fested their strength was much abated, but their malice as high as ever, 
for the first enquiry they made was for the house where His Majesty 
himself had lodged, and no sooner found it out, but instantly (like 
perfect EebeUs) they layd the house flat with the ground, and if that 
was not sufficient to speake them the worst of Rebells, they took that 
very Bed whereon they guessed His Sacred Majesty had lyen, hacked 
the bed-poasts with tib.eir swords, cut and slasht the bedding, and 
scattered the pieces up and down the streets, evidencing themselves 

* In the "Subsidy Eolls," Pub. Record Office, the name is spelt " Daunce,'* 
and also in a petition from the inhabitants of Newbury, 1625-6, in reject to the 
town's purdiasing the manorial rights of the Crown. In Blewbury Church is a 
monument to the wife of Sir Jo£i Daunce, and dai^hter of Thos. Latton of 
Chilton, near IMey. The name has graduaUy been reduced to " Dance." 


th.e most perjur'd, bloody, malitious covenanters, that sweare they 
fight for His Majestie's Person and Honour! and yet are wild because 
they cannot murther him, from whose mercies God Almighty still 
preserve him." 

From the above accounts it appears quite clear that the King slept 
at Mr Dunce's house on Tuesday night, and at Mr. Weston's on Wed- 
nesday night. (The latter was Mayor of Newbury the following year, 
1645, and also in 1652.) In the ^^History of Newbury" (p. 47), it is 
stated that a certain Mr. Hoar, a wealthy clothier,* who appears, from 
local records, to have been a person of good position in the town, 
gave up his house, on the west side of Chepe Street, for the residence 
of the King. The house was on the spot now occupied by the 
residence of Mr. E. P. Plenty, of the Eagle Iron-works. 

When the army, however, was drawn out from the town and quar- 
tered at Shaw, Donnington, and Speen, the King probably took up his 
residence at Shaw House, placed at his disposal by Sir Thomas 
Dolman, then a youth, scarcely of age, — "which place," says 
Bichard Blome in his *' Britannia," pubHshed in 1673, "had the 
good fortune in the time of the late war to receive His Majesty 
and His Majesty now reigning" (Charles II., then Prince of Wales). 
At Shaw House a brass plate is inserted in the wainscot of a room 
on the east side of the mansion, to commemorate an attempt made 
to shoot the King while dressing at the window. It was probably 
placed here by the zealous antiquary, Mr. Petit Andrews, F.S.A., 
author of a "Continuation of Henry's History of England," who 
was bom at Shaw in 1737, and contributed much valuable local 
information to Mores' "Collections towards a Parochial History of 
England." The brass plate is thus inscribed — "The Hole in the 
Wainscot, which appears through the aperture of this plate, was 
occasioned by a ball discharged from the muBquet of a Parfiamentary 
Soldier at King Charles the First, while he sate dressing himself 
in this Projection. The ball was found and preserved during many 
years, but is now lost. This regicidal attempt seems to have been 
made on Oct. 26 or 27, a.d. 1644.'° 

Then follows an extract from Blome, a portion of which is given above, 
and a quotation from Ludlow's "Memoires," vol. i. pp. 129 and 131. 

On another plate on the opposite side of the window, a second record 
of the event is placed in a frame, in the centre of which is a medallion 
portrait of Charles I., with this inscription — 

"Hano jtjxta fenesteam 

Eex Caboltjs primus 

Instants obsidione 
soloppopetr^ lottjs tanttjm non 

Trajeottjs FUIT 
Die Ootob. xxvn, mdcxliv." 

The above tradition of the bullet is probablv not to be wholly 
disregarded, although the reference to a "siege" of the house is a 

* The "Diary or Exact Journal," Oct. 24 to 31, 1644, certifies that the King 
lodged "in a C&oathier*s house," but does not mention the name of its owner. 



Many opinions have been given as to the locale of this Heath and 
HiU, mentioned by Sir Edward Walker, Symonds, and other writers 
as the spot where the King's army held their rendezvous on their 
arrival in the neighbourhood of Newbury, Tuesday, 22nd October, 
1644; and where Col. Boys received the honour of knighthood from 
the King. Some have placed it on Greenham Common, others at 
Snelsmore; but the view now advanced is that the camping-ground 
was more probably on the Wash and adja;Cent Heath, where we still 
find the names of Bed Heath and Bed Hill (marked on the Plan). 

It appears that the Boyalists were surprised to find the Parliamen- 
tarians in such close proximity on Tuesday, 22nd October, on which 
day their whole army, according to Cromwell (a most exact narrator 
of the campaign), was in the neighbourhood of Aldermaston, on the 
way from Basingstoke, with the intention (as he thought) of intercept- 
ing the King by a direct advance towards Newbury. The Earl of 
Manchester, however, much to Cromwell's chagrin, who objected to 
such a retrograde movement, marched the next day to Beading, giving 
the Boyalists an idea that they retreated to avoid coming to an 
engagement (see above, p. 115). When it was found that the enemy 
followed so closely on their track, the divergence from the direct route 
to Newbury from Kingsclere, and the holding-back of the main body 
of the King's army on Bed Heath, may have been advised as a pre- 
cautionary measure, in case the enemy should attack with his vastly 
superior force on the east side of Newbury; the King's position on 
the south of the town Twhich was occupied by a body of his horse) 
having the advantage of the Biver Kennet as a barrier to a surprise. 
Sir Edward Walker* mentions that "the King caused his army 
to be so quartered as to do but little duty, and yet to be secure 
from the rebels, who (it was thought) would not attempt us in that 
place, and whence his army could not conveniently remove till he had 
done his endeavours for ihe relief of Basing, and that the Earl of 
Northampton, with that additional strength he took with him to 
Banbury, was returned." 

Again, a Parliamentary Journal of the 26th Oct.f teU us':— ''The 
King's forces have pulled up Thatcham bridge [over the Kennet 
between Thatcham and Greenham Common^ to prevent our forces, 
if they can, following after them. ^ C||Lr Pioneers are laying the 
Bridge again, because the waters* "fee too high to pass over the 
fords," intimating that the King's forces were on the south side 
of the Kennet. The "Parliamentary Scout," of the same date, 
is more explicit on the subject — '* We are informed (it reports) that 
this day at night our armies were veiy near the King's ; that 
we had declined the way of the Bridge, by which we should have 
entered on the south side of the King's powers, and that we had 
gone up by the Bivulet [the Lambome] which runs by Donning- 
ton Castle, and had forded it above . . . and were got upon 
the north between Oxford and the King" [the hiU before Shaw]. 

* Histor. Discourses, p. 110. 

t ''Perfect Passages in ParHameut," Oct. 26, 1644. 


Another Diurnal* says — "The west was open to the King to bring in 
provisions: that he pulled up some bridges about Thatcham to hinder 
the advance of the Parliamentary forces, by reason of which it was 
considered His Majesty had resolved to retreat westwards/' On the 
evening of the 27th October, a Spy informed the Scout-Master General 
[Sir Samuel Luke], that the King's army had arrived at Newbury on 
Tuesday, and were "quartered on the heath," the King and his chief 
officers lodging in the town, and that this day, about sun-setting, a 
party of horse left the camp to march to the relief of Banbury, f 

The most precise delineator, however, of this disputed rendezvous is 
Capt. Qwynne, who, in his " Memoirs," ch. xi, says — " The second, 
Newbury fight we drew upon the same ground iiie enemy fought us 
upon the first battle," in which the Captain was also engaged. 
Gwynne mentions, in the next chapter, that the King marched with 
his army from the camp "faire and orderly through the towne into the 
spacious Spinham-lan<ui," clearly indicating that the troops advanced 
from the south side of Newbury. Further on, in ch. xv., Gwynne 
adds — "And the Messenger that came to the King at Newbury, and 
brought him intelligence that Banbury was besieged, might as well at 
the same instant told him that on the other side of the town were 
three armies [that] waylaid him, then perhaps he had thought fit to 
keep on the same side of the town he was on, and plant some of his 
great guns against the town's end and the river-side, and let the 
enemy which pursued him fall upon his cannons' mouth (if they liked 
it) rather than he did fall upon theirs, and if the King did approve of 
so doing, then he could earaly march away that night and send to his 
army at Oxford and to the £arl of Northampton to come and meet 
him where he thought convenient." 

From Kingsdere to Red Heath or Common the whole district was 
at that time one continuous heath, traversed by tracks and roods well 
enough adapted for the passage of an army, and enabling them to 
avoid the danger of marching through an enclosed country by narrow 
roads. There is apparently no reason why Greenham Common, had it 
been the rendezvous, should not have been correctly described, as even 
in "Domesday Book" it is called "Greneham;" and in all seven- 
teenth-century maps and documents contemporary with the war it is 
properly designated ; and, ii\|eti, had the King's army been encamped 
here, their position could r5'^3aly have been observed by the Pttrlia- 
mentarians on the corresp6nSlij(tf^eights at Shaw. The existence of 
the names "Red Heath" aaMT^ftod^Hill " in the neighbourhood of 
the Wash certainly makes this localft^^jcnpre compatible with the 
narratives than other sites devoid of these distiiH^iv'e.^ap^^a^ns. 

CromweU, in his narrative, describes the field adjoining Clay Hill as 
"Red Hill field," and this has induced a consideration as to the site 
of the King's camp on the 22nd Oct. being on that side of the town; 
but this view does not prove tenable; for on the near approach of the 
Parliamentarians on Friday, this hiU was occupied by a detachment of 
horse imder Prince Maurice, but not in any strength. 

* "Diary or Exact Journal," Oct. 24 to 31, 1644. 
t Sir Samuel Lake's Letter-Book, Egerton MSS. 



From a MS, belonging to the Earl de la Warr, in the ^^ Fourth Report 
of the Siitorical M88. Commission,^' p. 297. 

"Oct. 30, 1644. Chas. Mttery to Snt John Bebkelet. 

"About three in the afternoon Waller and Essex came with 
a resolution to carry all dear before them, which they had not much 
failed of, if they had known how ill our horse and some of Prince 
Maurice's foot behaved. The truth is, they had beaten our foot from 

the pase [pass], and routed most of our horse before ever they 

them; but Lord Barrard [Bernard Stuart] that knows not how to 
retreat, charged so handsomely that he beat them back before they 
could see the disaster we were in; it was dark, they could not pursue. 
Amongst us was nothing known but utter ruin and loss of all, so that 
the TCrng was advised, with his son and some lords and three troops 
(having but one way to pass to go away) which my Lord Bar. 
commands, to get away and join Prince Bupert; so the King got. to 
Dennington Castle by 9 at night, and thence took guides that brought 
him safe next day by night to Bath. It seems that after the Xing 
had gone, the army rallied and marched that night to WaUingf ord, 
and found that we lost not above 200 or 300 men, and six cannons lost 
at the Hill toward Himgerford: for at the other pass and at a house 
which Geo. Lfle maintamed we beat them sufadently at the same 
instant that the rebels were so successful at the other end. No man 
could have done action of more courage or resolution than he did that 
day; he killed above 500 and took two cannons." (2ipp.) 


At the time of the War, Newbury Church was used both as a prison 
and a hospital. There is a most interesting petition among the State 
Papers, in the Public Eecord Office, from John Bonwak, a distinguished 
sufferer in the Eoyal cause, and prisoner at Newbury. Shortly ^er the 
Eestoration he sued for some compensation. The signatures attached 
to his petition axe by men of note an^ nlone. He alleges that he had 
been Clerk of Eygate, and at tho'^mVof his petition was Eector of 
Newdigate. He asks for letters mandatory to me University of Cam- 
bridge for his p.D. degree. He had left Christ's College, Cambridge 
(as many otter University men did) in 1643, and entered the army to 
nght for the King. After the Second Battle, he says, he was stripped, 
imprisoned, and almost starved to death in Newbury Church. Thence 
he marched barefoot to London House, and was there again im- 
prisoned. He escaped, and ventured his life for the Eestoration. 
Attached to his petition, as testimony, is the elarum et venerabile nomen 
of Jeremy Taylor, also that of Lord Mordaunt and eight others, who 
testify that, rather than comply with the ruling powers, he had refused 
several good Hvings, and, with his wife and six children, had remained 
on one of £20 per annum. 



There is no parochial record at Bozf ord of any local incidents con- 
nected with, the military operations which took place in the immediate 
neighbourhood during the years 1643-4-5 ; but in the Begister for the 
succeeding year there is the following entry — "Thomas Adams, 
Bouldier of Cap. Pym's troope was buryed April ye 5, 1646." In 
one of the later Parish Books the following curious memorandum 
is made : — 

*' Thomas Dore dedar'd in ye presence of us whose names are here- 
imto subscribed, that he remember'd in the Oliverian nmip times, 
when subjects rebeU'd and did wht seem'd right in their own eyes, 
that WiUiam and Balph Coxhead pull'd down and carry'd away ye 
very well tum*d decent rails fixed and placed across the rising upper 
part of the Chancel to separate the Communion Table, and that they 
were carry*d by the above-named persons to one Edwd. Pokes 
(Schoolmaster), who then lived on Westbrooke side, who with his 
scholars triumphed and rejoiced with those Puritans over this sacrile- 
gious spoil and broke in pieces and burnt the same. Attested and 
dedar'd in the presence of Anthony Tassell, rector, and Lucy Tassell, 
April 11, 1721."* 

There is a tradition preserved in the village that the Parliamentary 
aoldiers, on more than one occasion, stabled Iheir horses in the chnrch 

In this Church there is a monument, of neat design, to the Bev. 
Jas. Anderson, rector of the parish, who died in 1672. It has the 
appearance of marble, but it is made of clunch or hard chalk. The 
inscription describes Mr. Anderton as "a determined defender of the 
orthodox faith, even among the Bebels." This clergyman figures 
conspicuously in the ''life of Oliver Sansom," the Berkshire Quaker, 
with whom he had a long religious controversy. 

* However mucli sucli excesses as were practised at this period are to be 
lamented, it must be borne in mind that the destroyers were actmf^ in many 
instances against their will, and in strict accordance with an ordinance which 
had passed the Houses of Lords and Commons, and which enacted that all altars 
and tables of stone, with candlesticks, basons, &c., should be taken away and 
demolished; and £dso that all commimion-tables should be removed from the 
east end to the body of all churches and chapels ; all rails before any altar or 
communion-table, likewise, to be taken away, and the chancel levelled; all 
crucifixes, crosses, images in and upon all and every church or churchyard to be 
destroyed; and none of the like " superstitious ornaments " to be allowed in any 
church, chapel, or other place throughout the land. The execution of this order 
was delegated to the Churchwardens of each parish, with severe penalties in case 
of default. Exception only was made to the monument of any King, Prince, or 
Nobleman, ** ^hich hath not been commonly reputed to be ta^en for a saint." 
Complaints having been made to the Parliament of laxity in performing this 
Order of the House, a second Ordinance was issued to the Committee of each 
Coiuity, peremptorily enforcing the execution of the decree. See *' Journals of 
House of Commons, Aug. 27, 1643, and Aug. 19, 1645." 



The Eegister of tliis Parish (remarkably perfect from the first year 
in which such records were appointed to be kept, 1538) contains the 
following interesting entries, which have been courteoiisly communi- 
cated by the Vicar, the Rev. T. Watts. 

*' 1 644, April 20. Wm. Basset being slaine by a souldier was buried. 

" ,, April 29. Richd. Buxie a soldier of the Kinge was slaine by 
a Parliament souldier at Chappell Row and buried. 

" 1 645, Oct. 29. Mr. Richard Warde a Lieutenant for the Parliament 
was slaine and buried. 

" Dec. 9. Henry Hall being slaine was buried." 

The famous Guy Carleton was Vicar of this parish during the 
troublous times of the Civil War. Walker gives the following 
account of him: — **He was of a good and ancient family in Cumber- 
land, and educated at Queen's College in Oxford, where he became 
successively Poor Child, Taherder, Fellow, and Proctor, Upon the 
breaking out of the Rebellion he faithfully adhered to his Majesty's 
interest, and did him considerable service. He was first driven from 
his rich living in the North; afterwards, coming into Berkshire, he 
was patronized by Mr. Gravets of Hartley Court, who presented him 
to the living of Bucklebury, in the right of his Guard Sir Henry 
Winchcombe, from whence also he was driven by the Tryers. After 
which he was likewise seized and imprisoned in Lambeth House, 
whither his wife secretly conveyed him a cord, by the help of which 
he let himself down through a window towards the Thames; but, the 
cord not reaching to the ground, he was forced to drop from it, and in 
the fall dislocated one of his boues, but a boat being provided for him, 
he was soon carried off, and lay concealed during the cure, to pay for 
which his poor wife was forced to sell her very bed. After his 
recovery he fled beyond the seas to his Majesty; in the meantime one 
of his daughters was maintained by Mrs. Gravets ; and his wife and 
two other daughters were supported in London, partly by some 
charities, and partly by their own labour. Mr. Carleton returned 
with his Majesty from beyond the seas, became one of his Chaplains, 
D.D., Dean of Carlisle, Prebendary of Durham, and in 1671 was 
advanced to the Bishopric of Bristol, and in 1678 translated from 
thence to Chichester. He died in the year 1685." Walker's " Suffer- 
ings of the Clergy," pt. ii. p. 214. 


The following letter, from one of their own officers, will convey 
some idea of the excesses committed by the Parliamentary soldiers 
in this neighbourhood, and of the grievous evils attendant on a state 



of civil warfare, such indeed as were also attributed with perliaps 
equal truth by the Parliamentary party to the Royalist soldiers. 

From Col. Wm. Ball to Speaker LenthaH; dated from Heading, 

March 1, 1645. 

" Sir, I have been 10 days at Beading upon the command of the 
House for the ordering of the recruits for the army, and find the 
employment very troublesome ; yet the service succeeding indifferently 
well answereth my paines and expectations ; but that which exceed- 
ingly affects me is flie continual clamour of the soldiers at Newberry 
and coimtry people thereabout, the soldiers having almost starved the 
people where they quarter, and are half-starved themselves for want 
of pay, and are become very desperate, raging about the country, 
breaking and robbing houses and passengers, and driving away sheep 
and other cattell before the owners' faces. Every day bringeih more 
instances of these outrages. I shall mention only two amongst others 
the country people are now relating imto me. Some of the soldiers 
were driving away the sheep of Andrew Pottinger, of Wolhampton, a 
freeholder of £60 per annum, a very considerable man for the Parlia- 
ment, having a wife and 6 young children, who endeavouring to 
secure his sheep, the soldiers struck him on the head so that he became 
presently speechless, and dead within four hours, to the great grief and 
sorrow of the neighbourhood. Another party of nyne soldiers, armed 
with muskets, came yesterday to the house of Mr. lUsley, of Beenham, 
and broke open his door, to the great affright of his wife, he being 
absent, and hearing of it, got together his neighbours and so beat the 
soldiers that they were all wounded and not able to return to their 
quarters. I will give many more instances were it necessary, but this 
I thought fitt to discover unto you, that the soldiers and oouniry people 
are all grown desperate, and continue one against the other that we 
are like to have little other than killing and robbery, if there be not a 
speedy supply of money for the soldiers. I beseech you to take the 
opportimity to acquaint the House with the condition of these parts, 
which under the most terrible time of the enemy was nothing so 
badd. I am sorry, I have such a badd subject, and shall therefore 
conclude, craving leave to subscribe myself. Sir, your humble servant, 
Will. Ball."* (Tanner MSS., Bodl. libr., vol. 60-2, No. 491). 

Another case of outrage and pillage, in this instance countenanced 
by the Parliamentary officers, occurred at the house of the unfortunate 
Sir Humphrey Forster at Aldermaston: — ** While Sir Humphrey, 
Sir Richard Kingsmill, his lady, and some other friends, consisting of 
Mr. Francis Smith, Mr. John Wright, Mr. Thos. Grove, Mr. James 
Weare, Mr. John Awberry, and Mr. John Young, were quietly sitting 
at dinner, a party of 60 or 80 ParKamentary troopers, headed by three 
officers, with swords drawn and pistols cocked, burst into the room, to 
the great terror of the company, having previously dangerously 
wounded the butler at the door, and demanded that all the apartments 
in the house should be showed them. This was readily granted by 

* This was not the Capt, Ball, a famous Royalist freebooter, stationed at 
Eeading in 1644, whom Sir Jacob Astley complains of to Prince Rupert in a 
letter given in Warburton's " Prince Rupert," vol. ii, p. 358-9. 


the affrighted Sir Humphrey, who was in terror of his life, one of the 
troopers telling h\vn that the wounds his man had received ought to 
have been in his (Sir Humphrey's) heart. After examining the house, 
and taking every valuable article they thought worth their attention, 
these servants of the Parliament broke open the stable doors, while 
others searched the Park, and succeeded in carrying off eight valuable 
horses, which they fully equipped with saddles, bridles, &c. To 
prevent any alarm being given, four of the troopers were quartered in 
the house for the night. Capt. Waldron, Lieut. Seymour, and the 
other officer were all old offenders, having being previously bound 
over for robbery and other barbarities committed ia the County 

of Wilts." (Tanner MSS., Bodl. Libr. vol. ^, No. 199.) 

The *'Mercurius Aulicus," the chief Oxford paper, of Thursday, 
Nov. 14, 1644, referring to the inhumanity of the Parliamentarians, 
recites the following instances of * * the bloudy disposition of the Rebells, 
as well to their own creatures as His Majesty's good subjects." But 
such tales as these must be taken eum grano salis^ no story being too 
foul or too false to be refused a place in the Journals and pamphlets 
issued almost daily by both parties. **We have it most certainly 
advertised that the day after the last Newbury fight when His 
Majesty's army was drawn off, the good Earle of Manchester went 
into Mr. Doleman's house at Shaw (near Newbury), where he found 
some wounded souldiers. Colonell George Lisle (who so gallantly 
commanded those Guards the day before) left a note in the house, 
wherein he certified that certaine hurt men (some whereof were His 
Majesty's souldiers, the rest were prisoners, whom the Colonell tooke 
in the last fight), which could not at present be removed from that 
place, without hazzard of the poor men's lives. Therefore desired all 
gentlemen, officers, and souldiers, whom it might conceme, to afford 
them protection and assistance, as he had done, for as muche as the 
>oore men were unable to help themselves. But the Lord Kimbolton 
Manchester] and his Eebells, no sooner entered the house, but most 
)arbarously they knockt these poore wretches' braines out, not merely 
his Majesty s souldiers, but their owne men also (for the bloody fit was 
now upon them), lifting up boards, breaking down wainscot, and 
pulling out the very barres of the windowes, pretending that His 
Majesty was concealed in that house, else (said they) the Popish 
Malignants would never have fought so desperately to maintaine it. 
Therefore they vowed to find him (the poore men's bloud not dry upon 
their hands), else they would put the Maister of the House to death. 
La conclusion (having left that house) they did all mischief imaginable 
to the owner of it (Mr. Doleman), leaving him not so much as deaths 
to put on, nor anything else either in or about his house. 

''Nor was their behaviour much better to their well-wishers there- 
abouts, for when that Faction, out of their zeal, brought them divers 
carriages loaden with provisions, these grateful Rebells took from 
them both their horses and carts in requital of the curtesie. And to 
make their accompt just, they took a farewell survey of their deiii(A 
Society at Newbury, and for a Farewell plundered the town most 
equally, leaving them to contemplate the Eeward of Eebellion, wnicli 
is to be used worse by those for whose sake they have been most 


The following day, '^Mercurius Aulicus" has another little incident 
to relate: — A royalist soldier (a Welchman*), having been taken 
prisoner, and finding no way of escape, promised to take up arms for 
the raxHament. On perceiving the PaxUamentaxy army preparing to 
leave Newbury, and being at that time sentinel outside the prison, 
where some 30 royalist soldiers were confined, he gave the prisoners 
his lighted match and a horn of gunpowder, for them to put into the 
lock, and blow open the door. This was so well done that the Welch- 
man and the 30 other soldiers all came safe to His Majesty's army. 
**Had the EebeUs thus escaped," adds 'Aulicus,' "they woidd surely 
have said it was a miracle." 

The Anti-Royalist Journal, ''Mercurius Britannicus," repudiates 
the ** slander" against the Earl of Manchester ** about the Shaw-house 
business ;" and as to the breaking down of the wainscot, &c. in search 
for the King, satirically asks, '^ Has his iU-success in the late battle 
made a great king so little as to escape into a mouse-hole ?" 

The following anecdote will show to what peril property was 
exposed, which had to pass the western road: — ^In May, 1645, a party^of 
west-country clothiers obtained from the Royalist Governor of Devizes a 
pass for London, and entered into a bond to pay him more than £400 
excise on the cloth they were to convey to London. As they approached 
Newbury, Sir John Boys sallied out on them and demanded the full 
amount in the King's name. No expostulations could save the poor 
clothiers, they were forced to raise the money in Newbury, and after 
some days started on their expedition. They had not gone far before 
some Royalist troopers from WaUingford Castle pounced upom them, 
seized their teams, baggage and all, and took them into the castle, 
where the Governor, Col. Blague, not only forcibly detained their 
goods, but suffered his troopers to search their pockets. The end of 
it all was that, after much vexation and delay, the carriers obtained 
their final discharge by consenting to pay an additional £10 on every 
pack of cloth, or leaving an equivalent in value. (Waylen's "Hist. 
Marlborough," pp. 221 — 2.). 

Notwithstanding what has been above stated with regard to the 
lawlessness of both the Royalist and the opposing forces, there is 
favourable evidence in another direction, in the following letter from 
a gentleman named Anthony Yaux, dated "Newburie, Nov. 4, 1642," 
to a friend in London. Giving an account of the proceedings of his 
Majesty's army in Berks, the letter shows that, at least in the early 
days of the war, there was little demoralization among the soldiers of 
the Royalist army. 

"Rt. Worthy Sir. Cannot but be obliged unto you for your con- 
tinuall favours unto me and my son Robert at Lincoln's Inn. I have 
understood by your letter the f orwardnesse of the City of London, and 
the strength of men, ordnance, and other implements of engines in all 
places for the resisting of His Majesty's forces. I confess possession 
is IX points of the Law, so their managing the City with strength is^ 
sure ground of resistance, but I believe to little purpose; for on 
Tuesday, I rid to Oxford and through the roads of His Majesty's 

* There was a strong contingent of Welchmen in the King's service engaged 
at Newbury. 


army, wMch exceeds the number of your relation ; and having spent 
the day in the city, I came late to my house at Newburie, and there 
was no injury offered me by the way, or had forcibly taken from me 
the value of a point, though it hath been related that neither horsemen 
or footmen, waggon or carrier can travell about but the soldiers make 
them their prey. I assure you they are kept in good order without 
doing piUage as is related." 

The writer further adds that while at Oxford he saw at least 50 
burials, and **in an hour's respite" as many more, which he concludes 
were some of those slain at the late fight (Edgehill). At his Inn, 
**the Catherine Wheel," he chanced upon Secretary Nicholas, with 
whom he drank part of a pint of wine, and learnt the Thing's 
intentions, which he relates. He mentions that Reading has been 
pillaged of at least 5000 yards of cloth; and that divers troops of 
horse and foot are billeted at Thatcham, besides great store at 
Newbury. Reference is also made to the issuing of the King's 
warrant for plate and money, for food and sustenance for the troops, 
which is being brought to His Majesty in abundance, the treasure 
being conveyed upon wheels, and the money coined while travelling. 
It is a most excellent invention, he says, of LenieU, his Majesty's 
engraver, who, it was thought, was cut off at the last fight at Kineton 



Extracted from ^* Memoirs of some Actions in which Collonel John Birch 
was engaged^ written hy \_Itoe~\ his Secretary .^^ "^ 

[The text where printed in italic type denotes corrections made in 
the MS. by Col. Birch. The original reading is given in the lettered 

"And the next day neere the evening, the Lord gave a great 
victory [the action at Newbury on the 27th Oct.], though the evill 
prosecution of it vexed you more then the other cheered you. How- 
ever, with a few other gentlemen that were there with you, and suche 
as you could gather up, the pursuite was followed by you. « And after 
noone you being well wearied in the twoe nights and dayes (before) 
you dismissed your partie, and yourseKe wayted on by Maior Ashley, 
your regiment quartermaster, at that time, my seKe, returned late at 
night towards Newberry, where the head quarters were. And rideing 
easily 2 miles short of Newberry in the way from Himgerf brd, my 

♦ ' 'MiHtary Memoir of Col. John Birch, "edited by the Eev.T.W. Webb, M.A., 
r.E.A.S. Printed for the Camden Society, 1873. 

a ^'ynto Himgerf ord and 4 or 5 miles beyond" caQcelled. 


self e being before you, I beard a noise of borse and coacbes comeing 
down tbe way towards vs.* Wberevpon I giveing you notice, you 
stood a Kttle, and presently affirmed it was tbe enimy; for we bad 
neitber borse nor coacbes at tbe bead quarters. And tbey comeing on 
ffast, you bad noe more time, but only to vtter tbese words, ** Wbat 
ever you see me doe, lett tbe like bee don by you." Tbis was about 
eight c of tbe clocke at nigbt, tbe 30tb day of October, 1644, tbe moone 
sbineing pretty ligbt : and instantly tberevpon you turnd your borse 
in a broad cart way into tbe f eilds on your rigbt band out of the eomon 
road to Kungerford, And instantly after vs about tbree pikes leng^b 
tbey come into tbe feiLd tbe same way; and comeing on fast some of 
tbem were got vp even witb us; but your fare being towards tbe 
west, and tbe moone being in tbe east-soutb-east, your face was see 
sbadowed tbereby tbat tbey could not easily discover you; but as, as I 
suppose, takeing you to bee of tbeir owne company, passed on witb 
tbeir wbole partie, consisting of 96 mounted men, tbree coacbes and a 
coacb- wagon, witb 30 led borses, as you presently tould your quarter- 
master, saying you bad counted tbem, wbicb I was at tbat time in too 
great a f eare to doe. And soe soone as tbe last of tbis company was 
done, you turned backe your borse and wee likewise : and baveing 
gon backe about 40 paces, you mett on(e) of tbeir company, to wbome 
clapping your pistoll you bid bim bold bis peace, and tume backe 
witb you, else bee was a dead man; wbicb bee did; and carrieing bim 
backe into tbe lane bee confessed bee was one belonged to tbe King's 
Lord General!, tbe Earle of Fortb, wboe tben past by; and tbose witb 
bim are bis guard; and in tbe coacbes bis ladie and some otber ladies, 
and tbe coacb wagon was full of bis bagadge, bee being come out of 
Dorington Castle into wbicb bee was forced to fly tbe nigbt before in 
tbe battaile. Ypon tbis relation you instantly turned for vs and said, 
*I knowe not in wbat way God will bring it about; but I am very 
confident tbat all tbese coacbes, borses and men will bee mine: nay 
tbey are mine. Come, tberefore; letts vse tbe meanes.' And vpon 
tbat rid sbarply witb your prisoner towards Newberry; and comeing 
tbere gave tbis account to tbe Lord Mancbester of wbat you baxi seen, 
and wbat danger you bad escaped, desireiag of bim a partie of borse, 
and you would give bim a good account of tbat company. But bee 
baveing long watcbed was soe extreame beavy witb sleepe, you could 
not bave one ready word from bim. Wberevpon you tbougbt of 
anotber course, and tbat was, to goe to tbe bouses wbere souldiers 
lay, and see if you could gett vp a partie by your perswasion, and for 
bopes of prize, wbicb you failed not to promise tbem, as was after- 
wards well performed. By tbiz meanes you gott vp 47 resolved borse, 
whereof foure weave trumpeter %; and away you marcbed; and vpon tbe 
way Lieftennant Caltroop asked you bow many you judged tbe enimy 

h * * the comeing downe ' ' cancelled. The * * Mercurius Aulicus " of 4 Nov. , 1644, 
states that Lord Forth escaped from the Castle during a dense fog, which had 
prevailed for some time. The route he took would appear to have been from the 
Castle to the village of Bagnor, where two fords were crossed, and the Lambome 
Road reached; thence to Stockcross and into the Bath Eoad by Gravel Hill. 
Here it is doubtless, that the horses aud coaches were heard ** coming down." 
Distances given in those days, when there was a want of accurate infozmation 
generally, are not to be relied on. 

c "eight" altered to "10." 


to be: to wliich you replyed, 'They axe 30;' and then turned to your 
quartermaster and said *K my heart faile mee not, noe bodies else 
shall for the number;* and soe went on, your selfe being still a 
distance before to discover any noyse, and likewise to finde the way 
they were gon ; which you did at every tumeing with your bare 
hands, f eelling in the darke which way the coach wheeles turned ; it 
being now about 2 of the clocke and somewhat darke. Thus wee 
went on about 16 miles; yourself e still before; and being at a tumeing 
and feeling which way the wheeles had gon, one standing neere by 
you, at a gate, as you after informed vs, vsed these words *What 
rouge is that there?' for then it was neere breake of the day and 
very darke. You doubting, as indeed it was, that the wyly generall 
might have left a reareguard, and hee might bee a centry, and you 
had better goe to him : possibly you might make ffood the gate till 
wee come vp (whoe weare eleven score yards behind; rather then lett 
him and his ffellowes come out vpon you; which assuredly they would 
doe, if they were souldiers. There vpon you takeing out yur* rapier 
and holding the point of it downeward vnder your rocket, went to the 
gate to him with your horse as hee was then in your hand; your 
pretence buing to aske him the way: but another coming out tod him 
clapt his face over the gate close to you, and though darke yet 
discovered you, and pulling out his sword, with an oathe, e not to be 
named, as you after intormed vs, said you were a Boundhead : but you 
being more readye then he believed, made such a hole in his skinn as 
brought a groane from him. The other starting, but not seeing the 
danger, you said with soe loud a voice, that wee heard, whoe were 
then a good wayf short, * What's the matter, gentlemen, doe you 
mean to abuse a man travelling on his way?' and with that more of 
them coming to the gate and endeavoring to fforce it, you made it 
good with your rapier, vntill instantly the trumpet (whoe had charge 
what to doe some hours before) comeing up, and finding you engaged, 
sounded a charge. Wherevpon the partie rushing upon that reare- 
gaurd, being twelve, were quickly dispatched; and from some of them 
fliat were then alive, you did leame that the Earle of Forth was then 
refreshing himself e in that village : which soe sone as you herd, you 
guest, as indeed it was, that the enimy would take the alarum and 
drawe into a body, and then the busines might be hazarded. And 
therevpon, instantly, the lane being pretty broad, and day appearing 
at the very instant, God was soe good as to direct the timeing of tha:^ 
busines, you ordered, the former devtsion being neare g thirty prime men 
and horse to go on with you^ h the rest of the partie being almost tired 
were to march on 3 score paces after, and one trumpeter with them 
sounding a march; and soe to continue till they had ffurther order 
from you. In this posture marching a good trott, the first partie, 
where your selfe was, entring into a little eomon i in the midle of the 
village, there, dose by you, was the Lord Ruthven draweing his men 
together, and at that very instant the trumpets that were behinde 
sounded a march and you cried aloud, "Gentlemen, letts not stay for 
the body of horse but fall on them instantly; " which at a high trott 

d standing by. e another (!). / 40 paces. g drew out. 

h for a f orlome ; and. t towne. 


was done and they presently routed, haveing not draune 40 together. 
Tliis was noe sooner done, but, musket shot distance, as many more, 
whoe had then taken the alarum, were then gott together. Some of 
your partie seeing them said, * Looke, Sir, backe yonder is a partie 
more.' You replied, *The same are rallied againe, down with them:' 
and imediatly vpon a full gallop you charged them. During theis 
2 charges all the coaches and wagon were runne away.^ This busines 
being pretty well over, and all that were in those twoe parties fallen 
or taken, with the generall's armes in his trimipet ; k none escaped but 
the Earl himseKe, Oollonel Feilding, and three more, who by reason of 
the goodness of their horse, after they had mett with some blowes, 
leapt of the comon into the closes, you being between them and the 
lanes end, by which meanes they escaped. Your seKe presently, and 
about twelue I more whoe were able, pursued after the coaches, and 
haveing gon at a great speed four or five miles you were dose at them 
in a village, where God was wonderfully seen for you. For a consider- 
able part of the Queen's regiment of horse quarterd then there, who 
could time enough to the ffight : which you discovering hy seeing 
souldiers stir hastily ahoutf presently cried to the people as you were 
vpon a hard speed after the coaches, ' Gentlemen, lay out quarters 
in this towne presently for my Lord Manchester's regiment of horse : ' 
and further called loud to your quartermaster, whoe then was most 
gallantly as hee had been all the momeing at your backe, sayeing, 
' Quartermaster, in the next village let Sir William Waller's regiment 
quarter.' Vpon this and heareing the trumpets, whoe were then 
farre behinde, sound, all the souldiers there, three times the number of 
your partie, runn away ; and before our faces, some ridd out back 
wayes : most footed it into the woods ; and you had an opertunity to 
ffaU on the partie with the coaches, whoe never offered to strike, but 
cried for mercy; not one man of them escaped; coaches and coach 
wagon and all the ladies taken, with 57 men brought prisoners ; and 
of their whole partie but the 5 aforesaid escaped. Of horses of theirs, 
and those tooke from the Queen's regiment flieing as aforesaid you 
brought away 107, besides twenty one horse that were on the coaches 
and wagon. And now being 20 miles from Newberry, and in the 
enemies coimtry, yet it pleased God soe to bless you that you brought 
safe away that day all the prisoners to your quarters neere Nuberry ; 
although your partie was soe small that you were forced some times to 
put one man to gaurd 3 prisoners. This mercy of God, though I 
doubt not but you have it in perfect memory, yet his hand being soe 
plainely discovered in it, I could not omitt it, and hope the time you 
spend in reading of it will not seem long." 

Note. — It is impossible to speak witli certainty as to the place where the carriages 
were captured ; but, from the distance stated, Marlborough would seem to be the 
town referred to ; for it is about 20 miles from Newbury, and at that time was 
occupied by a body of the King's troops. It is also related in one of the 
Dlumals, that no sooner had the King passed through Marlborough in his flight 
from Donnington Castle, than a small company of the enemy came dashmg 
through the town, enquiring which route the King had taken. The woods 
mentioned in the narrative probably indicate the Forest, through which the 
Bath Koad passed, as at present. 

J " and a partie with them," cancelled. 

k i.e. the flag attached to the trumpet. I 20. 


Now although this adventure has been thus minutely recited, and 
Birch, by revision and correction, assented to every item, and claimed 
to himself the credit of the whole, yet it is curious to find a competitor 
starting up with an opposite claim, and appropriating to himself 
the origin and management of the exploit. A lieutenant-Colonel 
Thorp, vindicating his character from some aspersions in the * * Mercurius 
Auliwis," brought out in the ensuing spring a very different version; 
and his account introduces us to the obscure names of some others of 
the party. His case is thus stated: — "At the last fight at Newbury he 
was commanded upon the guard betwixt Newbeury and Dennington 
Castle after the fight; he then receiving intelligence from Col. Burch, 
drew some fourty men and horse from the guard; so he desired 
Col. Burch to go along with him; there were under his command, 
officers as followeth: Cap. Draper, Cap. -Lieutenant Evans, Cornet 
Mathews, Cap. Draper's Comet; the intelligence was, that my 
Lord Ruthin, the King's Generall, his Lady, and divers more with 
him [had escaped]. So they pursued them some eight miles, where 
they tooke the General's lady, and some prisoners of quality with her, 
three coaches, and about fifty horse and men, a wagon with much goods 
in it; so Lieutenant-Col. Thorpe sent the lady and the prisoners to- 
wards Newbury, with Col. Burch and some of the troopers; the said 
Lieutenant-Col. pursued the General! some nine miles further, and 
rid in view of him the most of that way, but he having but some two 
men with him, and his horse being weary, he returned back to 
Newbury, where he and the rest of the party divided the spoile. 
This was done without the losse of a man. This is the true relation 
of this piece of service." **EIingdom's Weekly Intelligencer," April 8, 
1645. Note by the late Rev. John Webb, M.A., F.S.A., to the 
^^ Military Memoir of Colonel John Birch," p. 187. 


*'Capt. Knight's Relation op the Siege op Denington."* 

* * Wee are Come to December 1 645, and Dulbere wth Cromwell hauinge 
Surprissed that farmhousse garrisson of Bassinge, the sd Dulbere wth 
too Reagiments of horsse and thre of f oote marches into Newbery, of 
whose Advance Sr. Jo. Boys beinge advertissed fires Denington towne 
and other Ajatiente villages,! as was comanded by the Lds. and 

* Clarendon State Papers, No. 2062 ; Bodleian Library. 

t The Commons' Journal, 9tli April, 1646, has the following entry: — "The 
humble petition of the poor inhabitants of Dennington in the county of Berks ; 
shewing that their houses, stables, bams, and divers other buildings, together 
with their goods and household stuff, were burnt and consumed by command of 
Sir John Boys, governor of Dennington Castle, amounting to the sum of 
Five thousand, two hundred and eighty-three pounds and eighteen shillings, 



Counsell at Oxford, hope is of A noble facultie. liis matie and the 
Lds. at Oxford coneeaued good hopes as expectinge A brave i^esistaunce 
to bo made by these men who in A former seege hade done soe 
gallantly, and of the noble gouemer S. Jo. Boys, A psone Examplarye 
for vallore and fidillitie. Dnlbere being thuse prevented of his quarters 
of Denington towne, wch was wtbin halfe A mile of the Castell, and 
also of other Ajatiente Villages and howses, loges his partie oLf oote 
in Newbery, and quarters his horsse in the Ajatiente villages, soe yt 
Denington Castell may bee sd to bee now bloked, but not beseged, 
for yt Dayllie the CastiUians made saUyes, broughte in contribution 
and such prisoners as Reffused to paye, and the Cuntrye peoplle, as to 
a marte, dayely brought in all sorts of provissions, soe f aire A corris^ 
pendancy the Gouemer Sr. Jo. Boys keepte wth the peoplle of the 
Cuntrye yt hee was of them generally beloued, and treuley he 
Allwayes gave them A better price for thire Comodities then they could 
haue fownde att any of the Ajatiente marketts, and treully soe good A 
Justiser was Sr. John yt England had not A beter Regullated guarrisson, 
nor better beloued of the Countrye then was this of Denington. Sr. Jo* 
and his, not to Seame Bemisse or necligente, are studiouse to make all 
necessary pvissions [provisions] to preserve the place, and Consideringe 
Colonell Browne hade in the former seage made his battery one the 
northe side of the CasteU and yt from a place called the Queen's oake * 
the Castell might bee easilly stormed, beinge A leuell [level] and the 
CasteU one all other pte standinge vppon A hill, hee thirefore made 
A mounte vppon the sd leuell some (200) paces of the CasteU, trenche 
And paUasads it, the waUs beinge heigh, Canone pffe [proof], and the 
tope made of greatte thicknes and stronge, as couered over wth brickes 
and Earth proped wth greate beames and layed over with packes of 
waU [wool] to prevente the execution of morter Ghranadas. 

"The winter beinge very Bude and vioUente Dulbere Could not laye 
A Closse seage to the CasteU, nor weU bloke it vppe now that the 
Ajatiente viUages and howsses were burned, and that CasteU Cittuate 
vpon A HUl and the Cimtrye About it very bHtte [? bleak], hee thire 
fore keeps hime seKe wthin the towne of Newberye. No guarrisson of 

to the utter undoing of the petitioners, their wives, and many children; they 
consisting of two-and-thirty families, was this day read. 

"The Articles upon which Bennington Castle was surrendered was likewise 

"The House caUed upon a report, in the hands of Mr. Lisle. And 

"It is ordered that the debate concerning Sir John Bois, and the articles for 
rendition of Bennington Castle, be taken into consideration next after the said 

More momentous affairs than the question of the poor sufferers at Bonnington 
having subsequently occupied the attention of the House, this seems to have been 
the only uotice taken of the matter. An ancestor of the writer was church- 
warden oi the parish at the time ; and in that capacity, and also as owner of 
property destroyed, he signed the petition. The baptism of his daughter Alice 
is the second entry in the parish -register of 1646; the earlier reoorda were lost 
during the war. 

* The memorable oaks mentioned by Evelyn, in his " Biscourse on Forest 
Trees," as growing in Bennington Park, near Newbury, appear to have stood 
bf;twc<.iL iLr (.'a.^ili; uud the little homestead on the north side, belonging to the 
(.'a -tie Faun, pvoisviy in the spot mentioned by Capt. Knight. There are still 

•AV(i or t'.in.c very iiuu ojiks hi tins P. old. 


Ms Matie* was bette* maned then this of Denington, tor besiCteti the 
ordinary guaruisson Souldery, thire are Come to IS^. Jo. 140 men that 
marche of [off] from Winchester to Wodstocke, and are now com to 
Denington. Dulbere Acts littill, only att times to Ayere his soiildery, 
drawes of of his hoolle [whole] to face the CasteU. Nor is Sr. Jo. Boys 
Jdlle [idle] but Consults for the holding out the seage, and consideringe 
ye scarcittie of horsmeate sondes Away All the superfluitie of his horsso 
for Wallingford, only keepinge a sellecte nomber of 40, and such 
gallants they were yt ye Enimie neuer faced the Castell wth theii-e 
horsse wthout some losse. Maior Stuard [Major Stuart] who tlien 
commanded the EebeUs horsse in chiffe, A man of Action and of A 
turbillente spirite and greate Creuillte [to] All Eoyalliste, vsed moro 
then Emullitarye [emulatory = emulative] offitiousnes to prejuduce the 
guaruison, in fine soe Bessollute A man nee was yt hee is Reported to 
pistoU suohe of his troopers as turned taylle. An excellente discipline, 
for its most pbable A valliante leadere makes daring and bowld 
soulders, where on the Contrary no good Service is to bo Exj)ectt)d 
from a Cowardly Comander, and sertainty stuard Comand As stoute A 
Regiment as was in ye Eebells service, besids hee was A justice and 
weD. Advised soulder, hee toke vpp his quarter at Kings Clere, 
thireby keepte his Eegiamente in view, and too secure his quarters 
made tume pikes att the streets and bloked all the Avenaes, — the 
Kentish Eea^imente beinge the other yt wayted vppon Dulbere ware 
not soe surcomspecte but toke vppe A more larger quarter — loging att 
Burdere and other Ajatiente Yfllages. Sr. Jo. Boys yt may in soe 
mannare be sd to bee A man that tackes Beste in Action, getta 
information of the quarteringe of the Enemies horsse and fiudinge An 
Impossibillitie to deall wth Stuarte Besoulves to atteinpte some dissigne 
vppon his Cuntreymen the Kentish Reagiamente [Sir Jo. Boys was a 
Kentish-man] and knowinge yt hee hade not horsse Sulfitiento to 
beate vpp theire quarterres sends out a partie of 100 foote whoe 
passings hegge and diche in the deade of the nighte felle vppon 
ptie [party] of the Kentish men's quarters, and besides prissonors 
brought Awaye About 80 horsse Armes and good pillage, nor doese 
Sir Jo. lette daUebere to snorte wth out feere in his hotte beed at 
Newbery, but gives hime alsoe soe stronge An AUamie that the 
greatist pte of his men Ea,ne out of the towne, and hime self e wtli the 
Rest, drew out of the towne, standinge all the Reste of the night in 
Armes. Maior Stuard stormes att this disgi-ace of the Kenti«h 
Regiamente, and for a braueada the next dayo faces the Castell, and 
to puocke [provoke] Sr. Jo. to SaUye sends out a Comanded ptie from 
the Reste of his maine bodie, Sr. Jo. sends out a partie of his 
Castillians, who seinge they might well charge the Enemie being A 
good distance from their maine bodie and wtb all secureed by A good 
partie of muscitteres layd in Ambuscada to sccui-e thire Retreate, fal](js 
vppon this partie of the Enemie and Routts them, killes many and 
taikes sume prissoners. Stuarte Advanced to the Rescue, but by the 
orderly Retreate of the CastiUians and or partie of foo^e, Stuarte ^^ as 
frustrate of his intention, soe hauevinge tacken soe poore A. Reucmgo 
Returned to his quarters wth shame, the Kentish Regimento Attri- 
buts the blame of their losse to their landlords as fauores of tho 
CauaJleres [this presumably refers to the Kentish regiment being 
principally composed of landlords and their tenants], liemoues thiie 

150 APPiysiDli. 

quarterets to "Wodhaye [Woodhay], and for securitie Croudes them 
selues vppe in some fewe howsses. 8r. Jo. is Advertised where they 
are and howe loged, drawes out A partie of 120 ffoote whoe puided 
[provided] wth deeges [hammers] and haehatts for the breaking vpp 
of doores and hauinge nande grenades to through [throw] in att 
windoes Amongste them^ passed heage and diche and in the deade 
of the night, faUes vppon the Rebelles in foure howsse, Bepartinge 
them solve, as Sr- Jo. Commanded, in to 4 parties, 30 in A Companye, 
in fine or [our] partie breake vpp thire doors vppon them, tocke 
26 officers and souldery, and mitte haue taken many more if they 
would, but vaulloinge [valuing] their horses more then the men 
they brought of betwixte 80 and 90 horsse, Armes, and plunder. 
St. Jo. neaded not at this time to haue Alaremed dulbere in New- 
berye for the Rest of the Kentish Keagimente in a greate 
Confusion Bane to the heade quarters and soe Allaramed Dulbere 
yt hee drew out of the towne and stoode all nighte in armes, 
in fine, Aftere this Dulbere changed his Course, for now hee 
sleepte all daye and wachte all night. The Kentish Reagemente 
hauinge now loste (200) or more of thire horsse were acquesed by 
Dulbere of slothe and Negligence, and hime selfe Keceaued A like 
checke from the p'liamente, soe yt to preuent the like disgrace hee 
keeps A stronge gaurd of horsse daye and nighte betwixte Denington 
and Newbery. It were tediouse to Eecounte all the passages and 
Bcirmishos passed betwixte the Castillians and Bebels, the whoUe 
seage beinge spente in suche like actions and beatinge vpp of 
quarttores. The Kentish Reagiamente drawes them selues in to 
Bolsome howsse, A place duble motted [moated], but Sr. Jo. Boys 
would not leauve them soe, and to that purpose, Communycates his 
Ressollution wth Colon ell Blake [Blague] of WaUingforde, who joynes 
with Sr. Jo. sends A partie of 150 horsse wth whome Sir John Joynes 
his, and besides 120 foote with firelokes and other materialles fitte for 
beatinge vppe of quarteres, thease togeather stte out of Denington 
Castell, and Comes to balsome howsse, the Enimies quarter.* A place 
Able to haue wth stoode any parttie yt had not brought Canone wth 
them, but whether these presuminge one the strengthe of the place 
thought Sr. Jo. woulde not have attempted to beate them vpp in a 
place of yt strength, or how: Securitie distroyed them, for as they 
Coke shure slepte wth out keepinge guard or sentenells the Royallists 
come vnexpectedly vppon them, broke vpp thire gatts, and surprissed 
them. This laste action totally brake the Kentish Eigemente who 

* The old Manor-house of Balsdon, Balston, or Balsome, near Kintbury, 
situate in a picturesque and secluded spot, is surrounded by a double moat, 
as described by Capt. Knight. The house, having become ruinous, was taken 
down many years since ; but the inner moat, which encompassed it, is nearly entire 
and filled with water. The position of the draw-bridge is marked by the spot on 
the south side, where the moat has been filled up to form a passage to the garden. 
The outer moat has been partly levelled ; but its direction is distinctly traceable. 
The Manor of Balsdon was anciently in the family of Polhampton ; at a later 
period in that of the Darells. The Loders were of Balsdon Park in 1667 ; and it 
was most probably in their hands at the time of Sir John Boys' exploit. Sir 
John Darell in 1644 resided at Barton Court. An interesting account of Balsdon 
Manor is given in the 1st Vol. of the Newbury Field Club Transactions, 
pp. 132-4. 


were once 4 or 500 horsse. in sume maior Stuarte has preserued liis 
Regiments wth littell losse to his no little glorye, who in his owne 
psone [person] vpon a scirmish vnfortiinatley shotte that braue gent. 
Hustenante Colonell Smith,* liustenante Colonell to Sr. humphery 
Benette, where of he shorttley deyed. 

"St. Jo, Boys to Revenge Smythe's deathe inquires out Stuart's 
Rendesuves, And hauinge intelligence yt hee [was at] Knights howsse 
of Qreenhame f to a greatte Supper, to whose dafter [daughter] he 

♦ This Lt.-Col. Smith was buried in the chancel of Newbury Church, as 
appears by the following entry from the Churchwardens' Accounts, given at the 
Vestry on 20 Sept., 1645. 

" Received of Dr. Barker, for Burying Colonel Smith in the Chancel 13 4." 
Dr. Barker, who was an eminent physician residing at Newbury in the 17th cent., 
was probably the Colonel's medical attendant. He is described as "the first 
physician in the country," in a petition to Mr. Secretary Williamson from a 
Sir. Dobson, of Newbury, dated 1666, requesting the Secretary's influence with the 
newly restored King, in order that a daughter of a neighbour of his, " a gentle- 
woman of good stock, whose husband was loyal to the late King," might be 
privately touched for the King's evil. Dr. Barker was nephew to Sir Christopher 
Barker, Gartei-King-at-Arms, who, by virtue of his office, made the grant of 
Arms to John Winchcombe, eldest son of Jack of Newbury, which is given 
in extenao in the " Hist, of Newbury," pp. 149, 150. 

t Greenham Manor-house, the supposed scene of this tragic occurrence, formerly 
stood close to the old chapel which has been recently taken down. Part of the site 
of the house is now occupied by the modem church. John Kiiight, of Newbury, 
by his will, bearing date 1550, leaves to Elizabeth his wife, the parsonage of 
Greenham and Crokeham and the free chapel of Crokeham. In 1643, Boger Knight, 
of Greenham, was one of the Sequestrators of Delinquents' estates for the county 
of Berks; and in Thatcham Church there was formerly a memorial for Roger 
Knight, Esq., of Greenham who died in 1653, aged 69. Among the Ashmolean 
MSS. in the Bodleian Library there is a very curious letter from Mr. Roger Knight, 
junior, of Greenham, probably a son of the above mentioned, to the Astrologer 
Lilly, affording a remarkable instance of credulity and imposture. Mr. Roger, 
findmg himself involved in a troublesome "affaire du coeur," desires Lilly's judg- 
ment in the matter. He thus minutely describes his birth, personal appearance, 
and temperament, for the Astrologer's guidance:— "I was borne 3 weeks before my 
time, on the 16 Aug., 1619, neare Newbury, but what hour I cannot tell. I am 
very tall of stature, but stoop a little at the shoulders. I am leane, having a thin 
flaxen hair, of a longish vissago, and a pale complexion, gray eyed, haveing some 
impediment in my upper lippe, which hath a small mole on the right side thereof, 
also on the right side of my forehead another little mole. I am of melancholly 
disposition, having been all the time of my life in an unsettled condition." He 
here mentions that his father had propounded a match for him, and describes his 
ladye lovers horoscope and astrological characteristics, and asks Lilly whether he 
had better make any attempt to again bring about the business, his first essay 
having failed; if so, what time of year would be best suited to renew his court ; and 
he naively wishes to know if he may rely on the Astrologer's promise that he shall 
'*be settled" by November. In conclusion, Roger, to be prepared for the worst, 
requests to be informed, "in case none of the things prophesied should come to 
pass," whether there is any probability for him to travel "beyond sea," which he 
much desires. An answer was to be sent by the Bristol post, addressed Mr. Roger 
Knight, junior, Greenhame, neare Newberry, to be left with the postmaster at 
Bpeenhamland. Mr. Roger adds, that he shall be glad to know if questions can be 
solved by letter, as there were divers persons of his acquaintance in the neighbour- 
hood of Newbury, "who have had experience," and desire to employ the Astrologer's 
art, but cannot maka the journey to London. Roger encloses an lis. piece for 
Mr. Lilly's " present paines." This letter is dated " Sept. 8, at halfe an hour after 4 
in the afternoon," but the year is not given. As reference is made to previous visits 
to the Seer in 1647 and 48, it was' probably written Sept., 1649, at which time Roger 
would be 30 years old. (Ashmolean MSS. 423, 130. Bibl. Bodl.) Mr. Roger 


was a servante [siiitor], the ad 8«^. John sendes out a partie of (60) 
ffoote, who came vpon them soe sudently betwexte 7 and 8 of the 
doke [clock] in the yeavininge [evening] in marche, that they f owned 
the doores oppen and stuarte att super setting by the side of his 
n^rs. [mistressj, the man would take no quarter [and j was shotte deade 
in the place, many prissoners were taken wch not worthe the noming- 
natinge J lette passe, in sume, this was the last beatinge yppe of 
quarters, f 

" Wee are now come to the moneth of Aprill, J and Dulbier takes the 
feller [field] faces the Castell, and the same niffht f alles a digeinge vnder 
the maye poolle § wthin 15 score [? paces] of the Castell, Sr- John could 

Knight, junior, appears to have OTercome his " unsettled condition," as in 1673 he 
is described, in Blome's '* Brittannia," as residing at his paternal estate at Green- 
ham ; but the sequel to his love story is not recorded. 

Lilly,* in relating his astrological career, mentions that he was well acquainted 
with the "Speculator** of John k Windsor, a scrivener, sometime living in 
Newbury. This Windsor, he says, was club-fisted, wrote with a pen betwixt both 
his hands, and was much given to debauchery, so that at some times the DsBmons 
would not appear to the "Speculator**; he would then sujSumigate: sometimes, 
to vex the spirits, he would curse them, and fumigate with contraries. Upon 
Windsor's examination before Sir Henry Wallop, knt. he said that he once visited 
Dr. Dee, in Mortlake, and out of a book, which lay in the window he copied out 
that call which he used when he invoked. ~ It was that which near the beginning of 
it hath these words. 

*^Per virtutem illorum qui invocant nomen tuum, 
Hermelif mitte nobis trea Anffeloa^** ^. 

Windsor, Lilly adds, "had many good parts, but was a very lewd person. My 
master, Wright, knew him well, and having dealings in those parts (Newbury) 
made use of him as a scrivener." 

t The following incident in connection with the siege of the Castle, is related in 
'^Perfect Occurrences of Both Houses of Parliament and Martial Affiurs," for the 
week endkig 13th March 1645-6. "A partee of Dolbier's men, surprised 9 of 
Dennington men [of the Castle garrison] in BagnoU [Bagnor] drinking, amongst 
whom some Officers, Colonel Boise the Govemour hearing of it, sent out a partee, 
who set fire on four or five houses in BagnoU [BagnorJ to be revenged for the losse 
of his men." 

% This relation was probably written from memory and the events occurring 
in March, 1645-6, are, from some fault in the recollection, said to have taken 
place ttie following month. 

§ The maye poolle. There is no traditional spot where a Maypole stood in the 
village of Donnington; nor does there seem to be a suitable site for one. But ortho- 
graphical errors are common with old writers ; the same word is not unfirequently 
spelt several ways in the same page. Now in the grounds of Donnington Castle, 
about 300 yards from it, just within the park gates, and precisely at the point 
indicated by Capt. Knight, at the angle of Dalbier's approaches, which extend as 
£eu: as "Dalbier s field," and are in some places still distinct in outline, there stands 
a venerable and solitary Maple tree, measuring at five feet from the ground 
7 feet 7 inches in circumference ; and, from the gnarled and twisted appearance of 
its trunk, it has been of very slow growth. This is probably the tree referred to, 
then standing amidst the din of arms and the alarms of war, under whose shade 
was planted that fatal "mortar peece " which gave wings to the destruction of that 
"little bulwark of loyalty," the Castle, the ^eUs from it having such terrible 
effect on its walls. There are several clusters of maples near by ; but probably then 
as now, this one particular tree seems to have been a noticeable object. The details 
of the relation agree with this suggestion that the word "maple" has heea 
misspelt, as the distance of the works from the Castle is stated to have been 
" 15 score " [} paces], and the intrenchments are easily approachable by a sunken 
road from the village of Donnington. 

• " Hist, of his life and Times," p. 145. 


not degeste suchEuffe pceedings of theEnemie, Commands a salliewth 
horsse and f oote at heighe nowne, the Enemie leyinge caxelesly in 
thire trenches, not snspectinge a sallye, for yt they sawe the gatte 
shute and the brigedrawne* but in this they were very much deceaved 
for Sr. John had A privatte Sallye jwrtte made wthin the bulworke 
trenche and pallissathes filed vpp wth earthe, wch now hee dered and 
through it passed his horsse and f oote yndiscovered, this partie was 
Oomanded by Capt. Donne who soe sodenley ffeU vppon the Enemy 
that they beate them out of thire works, k^ed Aboue 80 personse 
vpon the place, brought Awaye Above (60) prissoners (4) CoUores and 
many hundred Armes. Dulbere stricked [? stricken] wth this losse 
marches wth all his forces, horsse and ffoote to Eegaine his trenches 
wch he deed wthout disputte, and the nexte daye plants A morter 
pecc, and the same daye shootte 17 vppon the Castell, An oold weake 
Rotten howse yt wth this one dayes worke was well ney all shattered 
to peces, however Dulbere knew he hade to deaU with A braue 
Enemie and hime selfe hauinge Received soe many Rubes from 
the Castillians was in disgrace with the Pliamt Assayes to gaine 
Sr. Jo. and the garuison by treatey, and to that purpose writts 
Sr. John that the L. Hopton hade giuen vpp his Armey in the 
weste to GeneraU Fairefex, the L. Astley was latly Routed att 
Stowe of the owlde weste [Stow on the Wold], Chester surrendered, 
and yt hee could expecte no Reeliffe, thire fore hee Advised hime 
to yealde betimes, wlulles hee may be able to give hime Conditions, 
and yt this Advice pceded from hime of mere loue as to hime selfe and 
soe many gallant men wth him, to whome hee bore much honor 
and love, finally that this was done agt most of the wills of his officers. 
Sr. Jo. called A Councell of Warre, Comunycatts Dulbere's Tre [letter] 
wth his officers, in sume the Resoulte of this Councell was not to 
beleve Dulbere vppon his beare worde, but if it were soe yt the sd 
Dulbere should be moued to grante passes to too gent, of th^ CasteU 
to gooe to Oxforde to the Kinge, to Acquainte hime wth the Condition 
of the CasteU, and to knowe his maties ReassoUution, in foiej this 
Dulbere Curtiously granted, and Capt. Osborne and Capt. Done, f 
too noble gent, were sente to his matie to Oxford, who sente to 
Sr. Jo. Boys that hee should gette the beste Conditions hee could for 
him selfe and his, and yt if possiblely hee could, he should marche 
of to Oxford and bringe of AH the Artillery of the Castell wth hime. 

* The gate here referred to appears to have been the palisaded gate closing the 
passage through the earthworks ; and the bridge was likely to have been opposite 
to the existing entrance, because that was most sheltered from the enemy's 
artillery, and &e bridge was probably constructed to cross the ditch of the field- 
work that surrounded the battered building. 

t In addition to these two gallfiint officers, the name of another of Sir John Boys* 
associates in defence of the Castle is preserved to us, — Mr. Robert Stradling, of the 
ancient family of the Stradlings of St. Donats, Glamorganshire. In a petition to the 
Bishop of London, at the Restoration, for assistance with Secretary Nicholas to 
obtain the place of mCMsenger to the Queen, he states that, for his services at 
Donnington Castle and elsewhere, the King (Charles II.) had ordered that he 
should be put first on the list ; and he annexes certificates by Sir John Boys and 
others in his favour. The Petitioner went with the Countess of Derby to join the 
King on his arrival in Scotland ; but he had been ill and had suffered much by 
imprisonment, loss of estate, &c. Public Record Office ; (State Papers), Vol. xlv, 
p. 382. 


Vppon the Retume of those gent, a ply [parley] was helde with 
Dulbere where in the Conclusion was to surrender tbe Castell. 

** The Castellians were to marche Awaye to Wallingeforde wth bagge 
and baggage, musketts chargd and primed, mache in Coke, bullate in 
mouthe, drumes beatinge, and Collurers ffleyinge. Every man taken 
wth hime as much amunishion as hee could Carye. As honourable 
Conditions as Could be given. In fine, thus was Denington Castell 

It appears that, after the surrender of the Castle, and withdrawal of 
the garrison, the forces of the Parliament, in whose custody it was 
placed, dismantled the fortress, and carried away a quantity of lead, 
timber, and other goods and materials belonging to Mr. Packer; and 
that he obtained an order from the House of Lords to search in Newbury 
and other places for the property im justly disposed of. The execution 
of this Order gave rise to serious affrays in Newbury and Basingstoke 
between Mr. Philip Packer, son of Mr. John Packer, the owner, and a 
certain Ensign Robins, who had appropriated some of the lead. An 
account thereof is set forth at large in the Lords' Journals. The 
following deposition, made by Mr. Philip Packer, introduces the name 
of our old friend, Mj*. Gabriel Coxe; and as the incidents narrated are 
illustrative of the period, their insertion in fuU may be excused. 

'* Philip Packer, of the Middle Temple, gentleman, maketh oath 
that while he was in Newbury, in county of Berks, to seize upon such 
lead as he could there discover to have been brought from Donnington 
Castle, and having seized divers parcels in Newbury by virtue of an 
order of the Hon. House of Peers, one Robins, an ensign in the 
Famham regiment (and under Capt. Bruer as this deponent is 
informed), came to Mr. Coxe's (where this deponent lodged in New- 
bury) on Saturday night, 25 Apnl, with one Lieutenant Brooks of the 
same regiment, and finding this deponent sitting at the table after 
supper, about 9 at night, said to this deponent, ' Sir, you have taken 
away my lead.' This Deponent replied. Sir, * tis more than I know.' 
The ensign, with his sword undrawn in one hand and a pistol in 
the other, presented the pistol to this deponent's breast, and swore 
by God he would have his blood or his lead, and bad him, 'if 
he was a gentleman to give him presently satisfaction with his 
hand, or else he would post him upon the gallows as a slave and 
a base fellow.' This deponent bad him be advised what he did, 
for it was in disobedience of an Order of Parliament, and before 
them he would give him satisfaction, but conceived it was not to 
be demanded by the sword (or to that effect). He swore he would 
not depart the House till he had satisfaction, and that he would have 
his life or his lead. Mr. Coxe desired him to depart his house and to 
express satisfaction in another place, which he would not do, but still 
demanded satisfaction for the lead, and would have drawn this deponent 
out of the house to have given satisfaction, and swore he would break 
open the place where this deponent had laid the lead. But would not 
depart the house tiU Mrs. Coxe, the gentlewoman of the house, was in 
so great fright with his rude and insolent carriage that it was justly 
feared she would suffer much in her health, thereupon, with great 
threatenings, he left the house. And further this deponent saith that 


on Monday in tlie afternoon, April 27, the said Ensign met this 
Deponent in Basingstoke, and told him he was not now in Newbury, 
and that he had a sword on, and so followed him into the Bell Yard, 
where this deponent went, and laying hands on his horse and bridle, 
bad this deponent come down and give him satisfaction for the lead 
he stole, and drew his sword and struck the Deponent upon his arm, 
whereupon the Deponent drew his sword for his defence, and presently 
there came in two troopers under Capt. Terry, of Surry, whom the 
Ensign, as this Deponent believeth, called thither, being of his intimate 
acquaintance, who did abet him and would not suffer this Deponent to 
go or send for any of the magistrates. This Deponent shewed them 
the order of the Lords, which they said was not sufB.cient being 
subscribed only by John Browne, and no Lords' hands to it. He told 
them that he had done what he did by that Order, and what they did 
was in disobedience to it, so tiU this Deponent had given satisfaction 
under his Hand they would not give him liberty to go out of the place. 
All which or words to the same effect this Deponent affirmeth to be 

'* Jur. 20 Maai, 1646. Philip Packer." 

"Thomas Heath." 

Gabriel Coxe, of Newbury, gentleman, made oath and corro- 
borated Packer's statement. Philip Packer further made oath and 
said that Barnard Reives, of Basingstoke, grocer, confessed to the 
Deponent that he had in his possession three tons of lead which 
belonged to Donnington Castle, but refused to deliver the same 
without a sum of money to be paid him at the dehVery. 




Gyha Chryce, of Wellington, in Shrepahire, Gent., sworn and examined, 
deposeth, That he saw the King in the Head of the Army at the 
second Fight near Newbury. 

John Vinson, of Damorham, in the County of Wilts, Gent., sworn and 
examined, saith, That he did see the King at the first Newbury Fight, 
about the month of September, 1643, in the Head of his Army, where 
this Deponent did see many slain on both Sides. This Deponent also 
saith. That he did see the King at the second battle at Newbury, 
about the month of November, 1644, where the King was at the Head 
of his Army in complete armour, with his sword drawn; and this 
Deponent did then see the King lead up Col. Thomas Howard's Regi- 
ment of Horse, and did hear him make a Speech to the Soldiers, in 
the Head of that Regiment, to this effect — that is to say. That the 

* " The Journal of the Trial of K. Charles I." State Trials, vol. i, pp. 1031, 32. 



said Regiment should stand to him that Bay, for that his Crown lay itpon 
the Point of the Sword; and if he lost that Bay, he lost his Honour and his 
Crown for ever; — ^And that this Deponent did see many slain on both 
sides at that Battle. 

George Seeley, of London, Cordwainer, sworn and examined, saith, 
That he did see the King at the head of a Brigade of Horse, at the 
Siege of Gloucester, and did also see the King at the first Fight at 
Newlmry, about the month of September, 1643, where the King 
was at the head of a Regiment of Horse; and that there were 
many slain at that Fight on both sides. This Deponent also saith. 
That he did see the King at the second Fight at Newhwry, which 
was about November, 1644, where the King was in the middle of his 

John Mo(yre, of the City of Cork in Ireland, Gent., sworn and 
examined, saith. That at the last Fight at Newhwy, about the month 
of November, 1644, he this Deponent did see the King in the middle 
of the Horse, with his sword drawn; and that he did see abundance of 
Men at that Fight slain upon the ground, on both sides. 

Thomas Ives, of Boyset, in the County of Northampton, Husbandman, 
sworn and examined, saith. That he did see the King in his Army at 
the first Fight in Newlwry, in Berkshire, in the month of September, 
1643, and that he did see many slain at that Fight; he, this Deponent, 
and others, with a Party of Horse, being commanded to face the 
Parliament's Forces, whilst the Foot did fetch off the dead. 

James Crosby^ of Buhlin in Ireland, Barber, sworn and examined, 
saith. That at the first fight at Newhwry, about the time of Barley- 
Harvest, 1643, he this Deponent, did see the King riding from 
Newhwry ,Town, accompanied with divers Lords and Gentlemen, towards 
the Place where his Forces were then fighting with the Parliament's 

Samuel Burden, of Lyneham, in the county of Wilts, Gent., sworn and 
examined, saith. That in or about the month of November, 1644, he 
did see the King at the last Fight at Newhwry, riding up and down the 
Field from Regiment to Regiment, whilst his Army was there fighting 
with the Parliament's forces; and that this Deponent did see many 
men slain at that Battle on both sides. 

Michael Potts, of Sharpereton, in the county of Northumherland, 
Vintner, sworn and examined, deposeth, That he, this Deponent, saw 
the King in the Head of the Army in the Fields about a mile and 
a half from Newhwry-Town, upon the Heath, the Day before the Fight 
was, it being about Harvest-tide in the year 1643. And he further 
saith, That he saw the King on the day after, when the Fight was, 
standing near a great Piece of Ordnance in the Fields. And he 
further saith, That he saw the King in the second Newhury Fight in 
the Head of his Army, being after or about Michaehnas 1644. And 
he further saith, That he saw a great many men slain at both the said 






Prince Matjeioe. Third son of tlie King of Bohemia, entered into 
the service of Charles I. about the same time with his brother. He 
was not of so active and fierce a nature as Eupert; but knew better 
how to pursue any advantages gained over the enemy. It is said that 
he wanted a deal of his brother's fire, and Eupert a great deal of 
Maurice's phlegm. He laid siege to several places in the West, and 
took Exeter and Dartmouth. His most signal exploit was the victory 
at Lansdown. The Prince perished in a hurricane off the West Indies 
in 1654. 

Duke of Eichmond. James Stuart, eldest son of Esme, third Duke 
of Lennox, and Catherine, daughter and heir of Sir Gervase Clifton, 
was bom in Blackfriars, London, April 6th, 1612. After the death of 
his father he was placed by his mother under the especial care and 
protection of Charles I., to whom he was nearly related. He was 
appointed Lord Steward, Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Privy 
Councillor; and created Duke of Eichmond in 1641. He married 
Mary, only daughter of George Yilliers, first Duke of Buckingham, 
who had been previously contracted in childhood to Charles, eldest 
eon of Philip, Earl of Pembroke. He was sent to travel in France, 
Italy, and Spain, for the benefit of his education, and from the time 
of his return to England, at about twenty-one years of age, he never 
was absent from the King's person, but shared in all his councils, 
and attended him in every change of fortune tiU the secret flight 
from Oxford, when the King left behind him all the members 
of his household and of his Privy Council. The Duke resumed his 
post after this event whenever he was permitted to do so by those 
into whose hands the King had fallen, and he even accompanied him 
finally a short distance from Newport on the road to Hurst Castle; 
then, forced to take leave, he was never again allowed to see the 
King alive. He obtained permission, with three others, to attend his 
funeral; and was one of the four who are said to have offered 
their own lives to save that of their master. He died 30th March, 
and was buried in Westminster Abbey 18th April 1655. He was 
succeeded by his only son Esme, who died in his minority in Paris. 
His only daughter married Eichard Butler, Earl of Arran, second 
son of the Duke of Ormonde. 

LoED Bernard Stuart. The youngest of five sons of Esme, Duke of 
Lennox, all of whom served in the royal army, and brother to James, 
first Duke of Eichmond. He was slain at Eowton Heath, about two 
miles from Chester, Sept. 26th, 1645. His brothers. Lord D'Aubigny 
and the Lord John Stuart, both fell in the King's service. It is stated 
by Lord Clarendon and others, that Lord Bernard Stuart was created 


Baxon Stuart of Newbury and Earl of Lichfield, in consideration of his 
gallant behaviour near the latter city. It was intended that these 
titles should have been conferred on Lord Bernard, but he died before 
the Patent passed the Great Seal; hence he never was Earl of Lichfield 
or Baron Stuart of Newbury, because it was the Great Seal only that 
would have entitled him to bear those titles He died simply Lord 
Bernard Stuart. Charles Stuart, only son of George, Lord D'Aubigny 
(who was slain at the battle of Edgehill), and nephew of Lord Bernard 
Stuart, was created (10 Dec, 1645) Baron Stuart of Newbury, Berks, 
and Earl of Lichfield, and succeeded his cousin Esme, 10 Aug., 1660, 
as third Duke of Richmond, and sixth of Lennox. He died at 
Elsinore, while ambassador to Denmark, 12 Dec, 1672, without 
surviving issue ; and his titles became extinct. There is no doubt, 
says Col. Chester, LL.D., editor of the "Westminster Abbey Registers," 
who has obligingly answered an enquiry of mine on the subject, that 
the titles of Earl of Lichfield and Baron Stuart of Newbury, were 
conferred on Lord Charles Stuart, in consideration of the services of 
his Uncles, and especially to perpetuate the titles which were intended 
to have been conferred on his uncle Bernard. 

Earl of Newport. Mount] oy Blount was a natural son of Charles 
Blount, Earl of Devonshire, by Penelope, daughter of "Walter 
Devereux, first Earl of Essex, and divorced wife of Robert, Lord 
Rich. He was created Lord Mount joy of Mount joy Fort by James I., 
and Baron Mount joy of Thurveston, co. Derby, and Earl of Newport by 
Charles I. He was Master of the Ordnance, and one of the Council 
for "War in the royal army. He died at Oxford and was buried in 
Christ Church Cathedral 15 Feb. 1665-6. The title became oxiliict 
in 1681, on the death of his youngest son Henry, third Earl. 

Earl of Berkshire. Sir Thomas Howard, second son of Thomas, 
first Earl of Suffolk, by his second wife, Catherine, eldest daughter 
and co-heir of Sir Henry Knevet of Charlton, Wilts, Kt., and widow 
of Richard Rich, Esq. He was created, 22 Jan., 1621-2, Baron 
Howard of Charlton, and Yiscount Andover, installed K. Q-., 13 Dec, 
1625, and advanced to the Earldom of Berkshire, 7 Feb. 1625-6. He 
died 16 July, 1669, aged about ninety. His grand-daughter Frances, 
daughter of Thomas, third Earl of Berkshire, married Sir Henry 
Winchcombe, Bart., of Bucklebury, ancestor of the present Winch- 
eombe-Henry- Howard Hartley, Esq., of Bucklebury, Berks, and 
Sodbury Manor, Gloucestershire. 

Earl Rivers. John Savage, eldest son of Thomas, first Yiscount 
Savage, by Lady Elizabeth D'Arcy, daughter and co-heir of Thomas, 
first Earl Rivers, succeeded his maternal grandfather as second Earl 
Rivers in 1639. He died 10 Oct. 1654. The title became extinct on 
the death, in 1728, of John fifth Earl, who was a Roman-Catholio 

Lord Capel. Arthur Capell, bom a.d. 1603, son of Sir Henry 
Capell and Theodosia Montagu, sister to Lord Montagu of Boughton. 
Sir Henry died in the lifetime of his father, and Arthur Capell 
succeeded to his grandfather Sir Arthur Capell' s estates. In 
November, 1626, he married EKzabeth Morrison. In April, 1640, he 
was chosen Member of Parliament for the County of Hertford, and 
again for the ensuing Parliament in November, 1640. On the 7th 
August, 1641, he was created Lord Capell of Hadham. At the 


breaking-out of the Civil War he raised a troop of horse in defence 
of the King. He was appointed one of the Prince of Wales's 
Council during the campaign in the West, and accompanied him to 
Jersey. In March, 1646-7, he returned to England, and again took 
up arms for the King; and, together with Lord Norwich, Sir Charles 
Lucas, and Sir George Lisle, defended Colchester against the attacks 
of Lord Fairfax. After more than eleven weeks' siege they were 
obliged to surrender. Lord CapeU was subsequently tried by a high 
court of justice, erected for the purpose of trying Lord Norwich, Lord 
CapeU, and others. Lord CapeU was sentenced to death, and with 
exemplary firmness died on the scaffold, March 9th, 1648-9. "He 
was a man," says Lord Clarendon, "that, whoever shaU after him 
deserve best of the EngHsh nation, he can never think himseK under- 
valued when we shaU hear that his courage, virtue, and fideHty is laid 
in the balance with, and compared to, that of the Lord CapeU." 

LoBD HoPTON. Ralph Hopton, son of Robert Hopton, of Witham, 
Somerset, was created Baron Hopton of Stratton, September 4th, 
1643. Lord Hopton, a nobleman of admirable accompUshments 
of body and mind, was trained up in the good school of war of the 
Low Counties. After exerting himself in the House of Commons, for 
the royal cause, he retired into the West ; where, in a few months, he 
raised a considerable army, and strengthened no less than forty garrisons. 
He was so great a master of discipline, that his army moved as one 
man, and was in every respect different from those Hcentious and 
tumultuouB rabbles, of which there were many instances in the CivU 
War, more resembling herds of banditti, than weU appointed armies. 
His victory at Stratton, May 16th, 1643, which was one of the most 
signal in the course of that war, is an astonishing instance of what 
determined valour can effect. He wiU knew how to improve it, and it 
was only an earnest of several others. After he had done as much 
as courage, conduct, and activity could do, he, was forced for want of 
suppHes to retire before Fairfax, and approved himself a great a 
general in his retreat, as he had done before in his victories. He 
died at Bruges in September, 1652. 

Lord Colepepeb. John, Lord Colepeper, was descended from a 
branch of the very ancient Kentish famUy of Colepeper settled at 
Bay HaU, near Pepenbury. He was the son of a knight of the same 
name, Uving at WigseU in Sussex; and he spent some years in 
foreign parts, doing good service as a soldier, and was reported to be of 
great courage, but of a rough nature; his hot temper leading him too 
frequently into quarrels and duels. When he married he settled in 
the County of his ancestors, where he soon became popular amongst 
his neighbours; and, in consequence of the knowledge of busiaess 
which he exhibited, and the ability with which he conducted it, he was 
frequently deputed by them to the councU-board, and at length was 
knighted, and elected Member for Kent in the Long Parliament. 
The King, sensible of his value, admitted him to his privy councU, 
and in January 6, 1642, made him ChanceUor of the Exchequer. 
During that eventful year, with the assistance of Lord Falkland and 
Edward Hyde, though sometimes disconcerted by the King's hasty 
measures, he did what he could to serve his Majesty. He acquired 
great influence, but his counsels were not always very wise or 
temperate. To his advice is attributed the King's consent to pass 


the Bill for removing the Bishops from the House of Peers, the 
transference of the court from Windsor to York, and the attempt to 
obtain possession of Hull. On January 28, 1643, he was promoted to 
the Mastership of the Eolls, an office for which his previous education 
had in no degree prepared him. He took it as adding to his dignity 
and profit, without regard to its duties. As a counsellor, he was used 
on the most private occasions, and was added to the junto which, as a 
cabinet-council, managed the King's affairs; as a soldier, he was ever 
by the King's side, and took part in all his battles with the most 
distinguished bravery. In reward for these services, the King, on 
October 21, 1644, created hiTn a peer, by the title of Lord Colepeper, 
of Thoresway in Lincolnshire, and named him one of the Council of 
the Duke of York. He died July 11, 1660, and was buried in the 
church of HoUingbourn in Kent, in which and the neighbouring 
parish the family property, including Leeds Castle, was situate. By 
his first wife, Philippa, daughter of Sir George SneUing, knt., he had 
one son, who died young. His second wife, who was his cousin, 
Judith, daughter of Sir Thomas Colepeper, of HoUingbourn, knight, 
brought him four sons, the three elder of whom enjoyed the title in 
succession, which then, for want of male issue, became extinct in 1725. 

LoED Goring. George, Lord Goring, was the son of George Goring, 
Earl of Norwich, and Lady Mary Nevile. In consequence of the 
numerous debts he had contracted at home he went abroad in 1663, 
entered foreign service, aud distinguished himself in the Low Countries, 
receiving a wound at the siege of Breda, which lamed him for life. 
In 1641, he was made governor of Portsmouth, and betrayed to the 
Parliament the intentions of the King to bring the army to London; 
and he continued greatly in favour with the popular party until 1642, 
when he declared for the King. In 1644 he superseded Lord Wilmot 
in the command of the Horse, and served in the West, where the 
want of discipline in his troops, and the licentiousness of his own 
conduct, materially injured the cause he had espoused. He suddenly 
quitted the country in 1644, and never returned. His habits of 
intoxication continued to the end of his life, and he died at Madrid, 
in 1662, having embraced the Roman-CathoHc faith, and, it has been 
stated by some writers, having entered the Order of Dominican Friars. 
He married Lettice, daughter of Richard, Earl of Cork, but had no 
children. The Earl of Norwich survived his son George, and died 
January 1662-3, when he was succeeded by his son Charles, at whose 
death without issue, in 1670-1, the title became extinct. 

Sir John Boys. During the Protectorate, Sir John Boys was 
imprisoned for some time in Dover Castle, for tendering (with several 
other Royalists) an address, or declaration, for a free Parliament ; but 
he lived to see the Restoration; and then he petitioned Charles II. for 
the appointment of Receiver of Customs at Dover. The original 
petition, which describes Sir John Boys, as *'one of yo^ Ma^es gent, of 
yor Privy Chamber in Ordinary," is preserved among the State Papers 
in the Public Record Office, and is endorsed '^Done." Sir John 
died at his old house at Bonnington in Kent, in 1664. The following 
inscription, on a black marble slab over his grave, in the aisle of a 
chapel in the north chancel of the parish church of Goodnestone- 
next-Wingham, Kent, has been kindly copied by the Yicar, the Rev. 
M. T. Spencer. ** Underneath rests Sr* John Boys, late of Bonington, 


Kt.i whose military praises will flourish, in our Annales as laurells and 
pabnes to overspread liis grave. I>im[gan]non in Ireland may remaine 
a solemne mourner of his funerall, and Dunington Castle in England 
a noble monument of his fame, the former for the losse of its expert 
govemer the latter for the honour of its g[alla]nt defender. To crown 
such eminent loyalty and [va]lour yo King royally added to his antient 
scutdhon a crown. Leaving no other heires male than manfljy deeds 
to keepe up his name his inheritance decended to his three daughters 
Jane, Lucy, Anne. Li his [5] 8th yeare, being discharged from this 
militant state below he was entertained as we hope in that triumphant 
state above, Octob. 8th, 1664." Above *the inscription are the arms 
of Sir John Boys (or, a griffin segreant sable, on a canton azure, a 
crown imperial or). Stephen Tucker, Esq., Somerset Herald, has not 
been able to find any record at the Heralds' College as to the Boyal 
augmentation. The crown was not an uncommon augmentation to the 
arms of Royalists in those days ; and the omission of any enrolment 
may be due to the troubled state of the times. The pedigree of 
Sir John Boys at the Heralds' College is signed by his father 
(Edward Boys) in 1619; there being eight antecedent generations to 
the gaUant Boyalist. ** John" (son of Edward) is there said to have 
been aged 14 years and upwards. In Dring's Catalogue of Lords, 
Km'ghts, and Gentlemen who compounded for their estates, Sir John 
Boys, of Bonnington, Kent, is set down as having paid £0312 10. 0. 

Sib Bernard Astley. Son of Sir Jacob Astley. An eminently 
good commander in his Majesty's army. After admirable service in 
six fights and eight sieges, he died of wounds received in a brave sally 
out of Bristol, Sept. 4th, 1645. Lloyd's ''Memoires," p. 644. Sir 
Bernard Astley especially signalized his courage at the Second Battle 
of Newbury. 

Sir William Brotjncker, frequently written Bronbard. Sir "Wm. 
Brouncker, kt., bom 1585, was eldest son of Sir Henry Brouncker, 
Lord President of Munster. He became a Gentleman of the Privy 
Chamber to K. Chas. I., and was Yice-Chamberlain to K. Chas. II., 
when Prince of Wales. He was created Yiscount Brouncker in the 
Irish Peerage 12 Sep. 1645, and dying shortly after, was buried in 
Christ Church Cathedral, Oxford 20 November in that year. The title 
became extinct in 1687-8, on the death of his youngest son Henry, 
third Yiscount. 

Sir William Ashburnham. There is no record of this gentleman 
having been knighted, although he is spoken of in a contemporary 
MS. referring to these transactions, as ''/Sw* William Ashburnham," 
and is so described in the list of royalist officers at page 126. He 
was the second son of Sir John Ashburnham, of Ashburnham, Sussex, 
M.P. in 1640, who, with other loyal members, was expelled the House 
for his fidelity to the crown. He subsequently took an active and dis- 
tinguished part during the civil wars, was maj.-gen. in the royal 
army, and col.-gen. (1644) of co. Dorset. After the Restoration, 
he was appointed Cofferer to the King. He married Jane, third 
daughter of John, first Lord Butler of Bramfield, and widow of James 
Ley, first Earl of Marlborough, but died without issue in 1679. 

Sir William St. Leger. He was knighted in his father's life- 
time; served in the Parliament of 1639 for Kilmallock; commanded a 
regiment in the war with the Ldsh ; and, after it ceased, went, in 


November 1643, to Bristol, to assist the King in England. With 
Col. Myn, he took over 1000 foot and some horse; and did great 
service in harassing the garrison of Gloucester. He fell in the 
Second Action at Newbury, 27 October, 1644 ; and not having been 
married, his brother succeeded to his estate. His descendant, Arthur 
St. Leger, was created by patent, 23 June 1703, Baron Eolmadow 
and Yiscount Doneraile. Sir Anthony St. Leger, commanded Prince 
Rupert's Life Guard at the Second Battle of Newbury. 

Sib John Owen. Of KHnenney, co. Caernarvon. He was wounded 
at the taking of Bristol in 1643. Tried by the High Court of Justice, 
with the Duke of Hamilton* and Lord Capel, he was sentenced to 
death, but subsequently pardoned. He is said to have served in 
7 battles, 9 sieges, and 32 minor actions. 

Sib Thomas Hoopeb. Lieutenant-Colonel of Dragoons. Knighted 
for taking General "Wemys (General of Sir William Waller's Artillery) 
at Cropredy Bridge. Symonds's "Diary," p. 2. 

Sib Eichabd Page. Knighted at Leicester, 2 June 1645, after it 
was taken by storm. He had been ** first on the escalade" at this 
memorable siege, which was one of the best fought and defended 
actions of the war. 

Sib Thomas Basset, or Bassett. General of the Ordnance to 
Prince Maurice. He was, with his brother Francis (a Cornish man, 
governor of St. Michael's Mount), knighted at Crediton, co. Devon, 
about 30 July, 1644. (Col. Chester's MS. List of Knights.) He was 
second son of James Basset, of Tehidy, co. Cornwall, by Jane, daughter 
of Sir Francis Godolphin, kt., but none of the pedigrees of the family 
give any further particulars about him. 

Sib Htjmphbey Benett. Of the Benetts of Pythouse, Wilts. Col. 
Thomas Benett was Prince Rupert's Secretary, and the family were 
staunch adherents to the royal cause. 

Sra John Gbaitvtlle. Son and heir of Sir Bevil Granville, who 
fell at the Battle of Lansdown, July, 1643. Created Baron of Ki'lk- 
hampton and Bideford, Viscount Granville of Lansdown, and Earl of 
Bath, April 20th, 1661. He died August 22nd, 1701. 

Sib Joseph Wagstaffe. Wounded at Lichfield, 1643. Engaged 
in the western rising, 1655, and was with difficulty persuaded by his 
companions from hanging the Parliamentary Judges and the High 
Sheriff of the County, who had fallen into their hands at Salisbury. 
After the ruin of the enterprize he escaped abroad. 

Sib Chables Lloyd. Gk)vernor of Devizes. Knighted 8th of De- 
cember, 1644. 

Sib Edwabd Walkeb. Author of the "Historical Discourses," 
&c., was successively, Rouge-Croix Pursuivant, Chester Herald, 
Norroy, and Garter-King-at-Arms, in which last office he was 
succeeded by Sir William Dugdale. See more of him in ''Athense 
Oxonienses." He died 19 Feby. 1676, being then one of the Clerks of 
the Privy Council to Charles II. 

CoLoifEL Leke. Who fell at the Second Battle of Newbury, was 
the son of Sir Francis Leke, knt., of Sutton, co. Derby, elevated to the 
peerage, 26 Oct., 1624, as Baron D'Eyncourt, whose two sons both 
laid down their lives imder the royal banners. Lord D'Eyncourt, who 
himseK took an active part in the war, became so mortified (it is said) 
by the execution of Charles I. that he clothed himself in sackcloth, 

Jk.K>ENDIX, 193 

and, causing his grave to be dug some years before bis deatb, laid 
himself therein every Friday, exercising himself frequently in divine 
meditation and prayer. The Barony of D'Eyncourt and Earldom of 
Scarsdale became extinct on the death of the 4th Earl, who died 
immarried in 1736. Burke's ^^Dormant and Extinct Peerages," p. 319, 

Colonel Anthony Thelwall. *'A branch of the Worshipful 
family of the Thelwalls of Plasyward, near Buthin, in Denbighshire ; 
known for his brave Actions at Cropredy (where his majesty trusted 
him with a thousand of the choicest men he had, to maintain, as he 
did bravely, the two advantageous villages, Burley and Nelthorp), 
and at the Second Newberry fight, where he did wonders with the 
reserve of Sir Geoige Lisle' s Tertia; and had done more, had he not 
been slain f(»: not accepting of Quarter." Lloyd's *' Memoir es," p, 661, 

Colonel Giles Strangeways. ' ' Of Melbury Sampf ord, in Dorsetshire. 
This worthy gentleman, who was descended from one of the most 
€tncient and respectable families in Dorsetshire, was representative in 
Parliament for that Coimty, and one of the Privy-Council to 
Charles IL In the time of the Civil War, he had the conmiand of a 
regiment in that part of the royal army which acted imder Prince 
Maurice in the West. Li 1645 he was imprisoned in the Tower for his 
active loyalty, where he continued in patient confinement for more than 
two years and six months. There is a fine medallion of him, struck 
upon this occasion: on the reverse is represented that part of the 
Tower called Csesar's, with the inscription — Decusqtie adversa dederunt. 
When Charles fled into the West, in disguise, after the battle of 
Worcester, Col. Strangeways sent him three hundred broad pieces; 
which was, perhaps, the most seasonable present the royal fugitive 
ever received. TMs, however, was but a small part of the sum which 
is to be placed to the account of his loyalty; for the house of 
Strangeways paid no less than £35,000 for its attachment to the 
Crown. He died 1675. Tbe present Countess of Ilchester is de- 
scended from this family." Granger's **Biogr. Hist. Eng." vol. ii, 
pp. 272-3. 

Colonel Houghton. Son of Sir Richard Houghton, Bart., of 
Haughton Tower, Lancashire. He fell in the Second Battle of 

Captain Catblyn, A member of a Norfolk family, one of whom, 
Sir Robert Catelyn, was Lord Chief Justice in the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth. Capt. Catelyn, commanding a troop of horse in Sir Edward 
Waldegrave's regiment, fell in the Second Action at Newbury, 
while engaged with the royalist force on the Speen side. He was 
buried at Speen, as the parish-register thus records: — *'1644. Oct. 31, 
Thomas Catelyn a gentleman of Norfolke." 

Robeet Stbadling. This gentleman appears to have heen a 
member of the ancient family of Stradling of St. Donat's. In a 
petition addressed to the Bishop of London, by Robert Stradling, 
shortly after the Restoration, desiring the Bishop's influence with 
Secretary Nicholas to obtain the petitioner the place of Messenger to 
the Queen, he encloses certificates in his favour from Sir John Boys, 
Sir John Robinson, Sir Edward Savage, and Sir Philip Musgrove, 
testifying to his services at Donnington Castle, in Lreland, Scotland, 
the Isle of Man, and Shetland. In a subsequent petition, the former 
not having received attention, the petitioner mentions that he went 



with the Countess of Derby to join his Majesty on his arrival in 
Scotland, but fell ill in 1651, and has suffered much by imprisonment, 
loss of estate, &c. He suinexes the previous certificates, with another 
by Richard Egerton, to the effect that *' Robert Stradling was Comet of 
Horse in Sir George Booth's rising, and always ready for design in 
the King's service." The certificate of Sir John Boys is as follows: — 
*'I doe Certify that this gent. Robert Stradlyn was imder my com- 
mand in the garrison of Dennington Castle, and did venture his life 
for his late Mats service, and that he wa& faithfull in his Trust, 
Jo. Boys. July xviij*^." State Papers, Domestic, Charles II, voL 55, 
No. 3, i. 


Earl of Manohestee. Edward Montagu, son and heir of Henry 
Montagu (first Eaxl of Manchester), M.P. for Huntingdon in the first 
Parliament of Charles I., was raised to the Upper House in 1626, 
with the title of Baron Montagu of Kimbolton was associated in the 
charge, and of high treason with Pym, Hampden, Strode, Holies, 
Hesilrige, whose arrest Charles attempted in his famous and fatal 
cotip d^ itat. He defeated the Earl of Newcastle at Homcastle 
in June, 1643, and distinguished himself by his victory over 
Prince Rupert at Marston Moor, in which engagement Cromwell 
acted as his Lieut. -General, but in reality guided him. He refused to 
sanction the execution of the King, and retired from Parliament 
(where he held the office of Speaker) until 1660, when he assisted at 
the meeting of peers who voted for the restoration of Charles H. He 
was deputed by the Lords as their Speaker to congratulate the King 
on his retmn to the Capital, and shortly after the Restoration, was 
appointed Chamberlain of the Household, and held other posts of 
dignity strangely out of keeping with his antecedents. The Eaii died 
at Whitehall, May 5th, 1671, at the age of 68 years* He had been five 
times married. The present ducal house of Manchester is descended 
'from his second marriage. 

Sib William Waller, son of Sir Thomas WaUer, Constable of 
Dover Castle, and Margaret, daughter of Sampson Lennard, Lord 
Dacre, served in the Netherlands, in the same camp with Sir Ralph 
Hopton; and was in the army of the confederate princes against the 
Emperor. He was one of the most able and active of the Parliament 
Generals; and, being for a considerable time victorious, was therefore 
called, William the Conqueror. He was defeated at the battle of 
Lansdown, near Bath; and afterwards wholly routed at Roundway 
Down, near Devizes. The *' Conqueror's" fame sunk considerably 
from this time; but he afterwards had the credit of defeating his 
former fellow-soldier. Lord Hopton, at Alresford. A few months 
later, he was beaten by the royalists at Cropredy, in Oxfordshire; and 
repeated reverses led to his being deprived of his command in 1645. 
He was imprisoned by the Independent Parliament, and confined until 


the King's Eestoration. He died at Osterley Park, near HoTinslow in 
1668. The Wallers of Newbury were descended from the youngest 
8on of this eminent commander. 

Sm Aethtjr Hesllrige. Mdest son of Sir Thomas Hesilrige, of 
Nosely, co. Ijeicester, Sir Arthur Hesilrige brought forward in the 
House of Commons the suit for the attainder of the Earl of Strafford, 
The soldiers of Sir Arthur's troops were so completely armed that 
they were called by the other side *'Hesilrige*s Lobsters," because of 
their bright shells witib. which they were covered, being perfectly 
cuirassed. They were the first ihat made any impression on the 
King's cavalry, HesUrige was one of the King's judges, but did not 
sign the death-warrant. He died in the Tower shortly after the 

Thomas, brother of Sir Arthur Hesilrige, married (at St. Luke's, 
Chelsea, Middlesex, 6th Sept. 1632) Eebecca, daughter of Thomas 
Sheaf e, D.D., Prebendary of Windsor, and rector of Welford, near 
Newbury. Heath's *' Chronicle" mentions Sir Arthur's brother, 
Thomas, as suborning witnesses to vilify the King; and he evidently 
served the Parliament so faithfully as to secure honourable burial 
within Westoinster Abbey, and thus rendered his memory so obnox- 
ious that his remains were included amongst those disinterred after 
the Restoration, and thrown into a common pit in the Churchyard. 
See notes to the burial in the "Westminster Abbey Rasters," edited 
by Col. J. L. Chester, LL.D., p. 145. Dr. Sheaf e, Rector of WeKord, 
who died ia 1639, at the age of 80, a short time before his death 
publii^ed a work entitled "A Plea for Old Age." 

Major-General Cbawfobd. Laurence Crawford, of the family of 
Crawf ords, of Jordan Hill, Renfrewshire. The name of Crawford is 
rendered in some degree memorable from the circumstance of his 
being Uie original authority for imputing cowardice to Cromwell, 
The accusation is given at large in HoUes's "Memoirs." 

LiEXJTENANT-GENERAii Meddleton. Fought in the First Battle of 
Newbury, Of Donnington Castle fame. "A person " says Clarendon, 
"who liv'd to wipe out the memory of his youth, for he was but 
eighteen years of age when he was first led into Rebellion." He 
quitted the service of the Parliament when they cashiered the Earl of 
Essex, and made their New Model Army. He was taken prisoner 
after the Worcester fight; and, when he was sufficiently recovered of 
his wounds, he was removed to the Tower, where his friend and 
comrade Massey, the defender of Gloucester, who had likewise joined 
the royalist party, and fought at Worcester, was daily expecting the 
vengeance of the Conmionwealth. When the time of their trial 
approached, Middleton found means to make his escape and got safe 
to France; and within a few days after, Massey had the like good 
fortune, "to the grief and vexation of Cromwell," who, Clarendon 
states, "thirsted for the blood of those two persons." 

Lieutenant-Genebal Ludlow. Edmund Ludlow was a native of 
Wiltshire, having been born at HiU-Deverill, or in its neighbourhood, 
where his father. Sir Henry Ludlow, resided. He was M.P. for the 
County of Wilts in the Parliament which began Nov, 3rd 1640, one of 
the Council of State, — ^Lieutenant-general of the horse, — and Com- 
mander-in-chief of the forces in L:eland. He entered with zeal into 
all the measures of the Republican party; and teUs ujs himself, in his 


"Memoires," that he ''had the honour of being one of the late TCing^g 
judges." About the time of the Restoration he retired into Switzer- 
land, where he remained in obscurity until the Revolution in 1688, 
when he repaired with other deputies, to London, to offer to raise 
men for Eling William's service. His further jMrogress, however, 
in this measure, was quickly arrested by Sir Edward Seymour, who 
moved a resolution in the House of Commons, that they should address 
his Majesty to bring Ludlow to trial as a regicide, which he no sooner 
heard of than he returned to Switzerland. He died at Vevay, in the 
year 1693; and his remains were interred in the church of that town, 
imder a monument erected to his memory by his widow. His memoirs, 
which are curious and apparently accurate, were printed after his death. 

Colonel Riohaed Norton. Of Southwick, near Portsmouth, Hants. 
He was Governor of Basingstoke, and Cromwell's favourite "Dick 
Norton." He witnessed the Second Fight at Newbury only as an 
amateur, but got so far in assisting Ludlow, who was in danger, that 
he was wounded. Richard Norton, the grandson of ** Dick," was the 
last heir male of that f £«nily, and by his will bequeathed Southwick 
Park, Hants, and all his other estates, to the amoimt of £6000 a year, 
together with personal property of the value of £60,000, to the 
Parliament of Ghreat Britain, in trust for the use of *^the poor, 
hungry, thirsty, naked strangers, sick, woimded, and prisoners, to the 
end of the world." The will was, however, set aside ; and the estates 
eventually devolved to the Thistlethwaytes, maternally descended 
from the Nortons. Charles I. was at Southwick when the Duke of 
Buckingham was assassinated by Pelton at Portsmouth. 

Colonel Snt Riohaed Ingoldsby. Second son of Sir Richard 
Ingoldsby, of Lethenborough or Lenborough, Bucks, by Elizabeth, 
daughter of Sir Oliver Cromwell, of Hinchmbrooke. Col. Ligoldsby 
was one of the Commissioners of the High Court of Justice for the 
trial of his Sovereign, and signed the warrant for his execution. He 
was one of the chief confidants of the Protector; Q-overnor of Oxford 
Castle, and one of the Lords of the Upper House. When he found 
the cause of his relative Richard Cromwell desperate, he strenuously 
exerted himself in promoting the restoration of the exiled King 
Charles II.; and so effectually recommended himself to his favour, 
that he not only procured his pardon (being the only one of the 
regicides who received a free pardon), but was made a Knight of the 
Bath. He married Anne, daughter of Sir Q-eorge Croke, one of the 
Judges of the Court of King's Bench, and widow of Thomas Lee, Esq., 
of HartweU, near Aylesbury. He died in 1685, and was buried at 

Colonel John Birch. "In the sphere in which he moved, he was 
among the remarkable personages of the time : by no means inferior 
to those whose names are better known, though not more deserving of 
being recorded. He attained to considerable distinction in the field 
and in the senate; and, after a long share of personal exertion and 
sufferings, survived the troubles and dangers of a stormy and eventful 
struggle, and ended his days in retirement and peace." Preface to the 
"Military Memoirs of Col. John Birch," edited by the Rev. T. W. 
Webb, M.A., F.R.A.S. See more of him in that work. 

Capt. Mason. In Webb's "Civil War in Herefordshire," (1879, 
vol. ii. p. 106), the following curious particulars are given of the 


dress of this officer: — ''Capt. Mason, wlio afterwards acted as a 
sequestrator in Herefordshire, appeared at the Second Battle of 
Newbury habited in the following officer's uniform — *with a sword 
about his neck and a black scarf e about his middle, in a black velvett 
doublett, and a scarlett paire of breeches laced with two silver laces at 
the knees, being a Captain! He was supposed to hare been there on 
the side of the King, which he afterwards denied, when it was 
necessary that he should vindicate his conduct against Parliamentary 

Note. — ^Many of the foregoing personal notices are based on bio- 
graphical sketches given in various works — as Lloyd's "Memoires," 
Foss's "Judges of England," Granger's "Biographical History of 
England," the "Lives from the Clarendon Q-aUery," &c. Some 
modifications and several corrections and additions have necessarily 
been introduced. 



So little is known of the early history of the Manor of Donnington, 
that it is hoped the following notices may prove an interesting addition 
to the later annals of its memorable Castle. 

1086. JDomesda/y shows that Wniiam Lovet held, in Berks, Anebome 
and Mortime, also Deritone,* in the hundred of Taceham. The third 
place is that now called Donnington. These places were afterwards 
held of the Honour of Skipton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. 

1166-7. The next earliest document in which the name of Don- 
nington appears is the Pipe-Roll of the Exchequer, 13 Henry H. 
(about 1166-7), when, among the names of vills amerced, occurs 
that of Dunintona, held by Gervas de SanerviUa, which is amerced 
at half-a-marc. Li the account of the aid levied in the following 
year for marrying the daughter of Henry II., which is found in the 
felack-Book of the Exchequer, f it is stated that Wna. de Sandrevill 
holds four knights' fees of the said Honour of Skipton, and 
GFervard de SandreviU has a fifth fee, J of which the lord of Skipton 

* " Domesday Book: " Facsimile of the part relating to Berkshire, 1862, p. 11. 
t Ebor., p. 22. 

X For erery grant of a certain quantity of land, called a knight's feud, fief, 
or fee, the grantee was bound to do personal service in the army of the 
nranter or feudal lord, forty days in every year, if c^ed upon. "But," says 
Blackstone, **this personal attendance growing troublesome in many respects, 
the tenants found means for compounding for it, by (first) sending others in 
their stead, and in process of time by making pecuniary satisfaction to the 
owner in lieu of it. This pecuniary satisfaction came to be levied by assessment, 
at so much for every knight's fee, under the name of * scutages.* " It was first 
levied in 5 Hen. II., 1158, but was abolished by Statute, 12 Oar. H. cap. 24. 
This was the origin of the modem land-tax. 


could not have the service. From the previous extract, it is dear 
that this fee is Dunintona; and that even as ecu'ly as this period 
the service for it had been alienated from the Honour of SMpton. 
It is to be remembered that the returns in the Black-Book of the 
Exchequer do not show the knights holding in different Counties, 
but those holding of different Honours. Many Honours had fees in 
several Counties, but the return for the whole is entered under the 
County in which was the caput honoris. There is a Manor stOl called 
Sandrevill in the parish of South Moreton, near Wallingford, which 
Lysons states to have belonged to a family of that name in the 
reign of Edward I.* 

1213. In the fifteenth year of King John (1213) Donnington was 
in the hands of Gilbert Fitz-Reinfrid; and for some unexplaiaed 
reason, on the 16th Nov^- of that yearf the Sheriff of Berks was 
directed to transfer it to the custody of Peter Fitz-Herbert, to whom 
also Philip de Oolumbar's neighbouring land of Sac (Shaw) was 

1216. In this year Q-ilbert Fitz-Reinfrid returned to his obedience ; 
and his charter, submitting himseK to the King, is entered on the 
Oharter-RoU. J One amongst the things which he had to do, was 
that he should give the daughter of Bichard de Copland as a hostage. 

1232. In the sixteenth year of Henry III. there was a final 
concord between Philip de Sandrevill, Plaintiff, and Richard de 
Copland and Johanna, his wife. Defendants, for one knight's fee in 
Donnington, which was allowed by the Plaintiff to be the right of the 
Defendants and the heirs of Johanna, for which the Defendants gave 
the Plaintiff 60 marcs. 

1237. Accordingly, in the '* Testa de Nevill,"§ the collectors for 
the aid for marrying the King's sister account for 1 marc for one 
knight's fee, which Eichard de Cocland held in Donington of the 
Honour of WaUingford; "Cocland" being either a mistake or mis- 
spelling for Copland. 

The Honour of Skipton, or a great part of it, passed in the reign of 
Henry 11. to the Earls of Albemarle ;|| and the "Testa de NeviS "^ 
shows that Philip de Sandrevill held land of the Earl of Albemarle in 
South Moreton and Enbome. 

These were two of the places held, at the taking of Domesday, by 
William Lovet (see above); but nothing is said of the third (Deritone), 
the Lordship of which had now passed from the Honour of Skipton. 
This, combined with the extretcts from the Pipe-Roll and the Black-Book 
of the Exchequer, proves that by "Deritone" the modem Donnington is 

1243. In the third volume of the old ' ' Monasticon, ' '** Robert, Bishop 
of Salisbury, is shewn to have confirmed to the Priory of Wallingford 
the tithes of the demesne of Richard de Coupland, in the vill of 
Davinton, and also of the mill there. By this, no doubt, Donnington 
is meant; and for this reason: — Shaw, which adjoins Donnington, is 

* "Magna Britannia; Berkshire," vol. i. p. 316. 

t " Close Roll," vol. i. p. 273. t Ibid. 221, b. 

§ " Testa de NeviU," p. 119. || Dugdale's **Bar," vol. i, p. 626. 

f Page 124. ** Dugdal«'» "Monasticon," vol. iii. p. 12. 


not mentioned in the Charted, yet the •' Taxation of Pope Nicholas" * 
shows that the Priory had a pension of 13s. 4d. from Shaw. It is, 
however, only a confirmation of the grant, which might have been, 
and probably was, made a hundred years earlier. 

It is far from improbable that the Berkshire Coplands were a 
branch of the Cumberland fanuly of the same name, and of whom 
there is an Inquisition, 26 Edward I. (1298), f when one Alan was 
found to be son and heir of a Kichard Copland, and 21 years old. 

1279. In an '^Inquisitio post mortem"]; of this date mention is 
made of another Bichard de Copland; and, by reference to the 
"Calendarium Q-enealogicum," || it will be seen that Joanna de 
Hertrugge, wife of Richard de Copland, was "soror" and "coiiterina" 
of Philip de Hertrugge, that is to say, she was sister by the same 
mother. Joanna is said to be 40 years of age ; she clearly therefore 
could not be the Joanna mentioned in the fine of a.d. 1232; but that 
age makes it probable that Bichard, her husband, was the son of 
Richard, Defendant in the fine. The next document which will be 
quoted shows Bichard to have held Donnington, and that he died 
before 1284. 

1284. On the Assize Boll, 12th Edward I.§ is a suit in which Alan 
de Copland seeks from Nigel de Sandrevill, the manor of Donyngton 
by Shaw, as that in which the Defendant had ingress by intrusion on 
the death of Bichard de Copland, to whom Plaintijff had demised it for 
life. The Defendant did not defend the suit on its merits, but 
demurred, pleading he did not hold the whole manor, two other 
persons holding smaU portions of it. The PlaintiJff could not deny 
this, and was consequently nonsuited. 

1288. It is evident that Alan had eventually got possession of the 
Manor, for, by a fine, 18 Edward I., between Master Thomas de 
Badburber, Plaintiff, and Alan de Copland, Defendant, for the Manor 
of Duninton, Defendant allowed it to be the right of the Plaintiff. 

This Plaintiff's name was derived from Adderbury in Oxfordshire, 
and is spelt, as was that of the place, in many different ways. 

1291. In the twentieth year of King Edward I., Thomas de 
Abberbury had a grant of free-warren over Donnington and Bradley. 
The following is a translation from the original charter: — 

**For Master Thomas de Abberbury. The King to his Archbishops, 
etc. greeting. Baiow that we have granted and by this our Charter 
have confirmed to our beloved Master Thomas de Abberbury, that he 
and his heirs for ever may have free-warren in all his demesne lands 
of Doninton and Bradelee, Berks, provided however that those lands 
are not within the bounds of our Forest. So that no one shall enter 
those lands to hunt in them, or to t«ike in them anything which 
pertains to the warren, without the license and will of Thomas himseK 
or his heirs, under forfeiture to ub of £10. "Witnesses — ^the Venerable 
Father Bobert, Bishop of Bath and "Wells; John de Vescy; Guy 
Ferre; etc. Dated at Wigton, the eleventh of September, 1291."^ 

♦ Page 187 b. 

t "Oalend. Inq. post mortem,*' 25 Edw. I., No. 6. 

t "Cal. Inq. post mort." 7 Edw. I., No. 28. || Page 283. 

§ Berks, m. 6. IT *• Charter Roll," 20 Edw. I., No. 8. 

200 APPENDIX. ^ 

1299. In an ^'Inqnisitio post mortem"* concerning the lands of 
Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, of this date, mention is made of Donington 
among the rents and fees appertaining to the Honour of WaUingf ord, 
which confirms the opinion already expressed. 

1306-7. The Inquisition upon Thomas de Abberbury furnishes us 
with a description of the Manor at this time. It is as follows: — f 

Possessions of Master Thomas de Abbresbury, Dynynton, Berks. 
"Extent," dated 23 May, 35 Edward I. :— 

Manor held in chief of the King of the Honour of "WaUingf ord by 
service of half a knight's fee. A capital messuage with garden worth 
6s. 8d. a year; 120 acres of arable land, 30s.; 50 acres of worse land, 
4s. 2d.; 2\ acres of meadow, 3s. 9d.; 3 acres of pasture, 8s. 6d.; sheep 
pasture, 12d. (?); wood, 2s.; two water-mills, 40s. At Miggham 
3 acres meadow, held of the Prior of Sandelford, 3s. Water-mill 
there, held of the Prior, 308. 2 acres of meadow in la Wydmede, held 
of the Abbot of Reading, 2s. 

Two free tenants .. .. lid. 

ViUani Total of their rents 27s. 3id, 

„ their work 27s. lOfd. 

Tallage 18s. lOJd. 

Cotarii Rents 12s. lOJd. 

Work 2s. 6d. 

Profits of Court 12d. 

Walter de Abbresbury, brother of Thomas, is next heir; 30 years of 
age and more. 

22s. to be paid to the Prior of Sandleford by Miggham Mill. 

Held also lands in Steple- Aston Manor ) Oxon 

Sulthome Manor j 

Migham ] ^^^^ 

Eneburne ) 

1323. Of Walter, brother of Sir Thomas Abberbury, we are 
enabled to obtain little information; but in this year (1323), in con- 
junction with his son Richard, he granted certain lands in the parish 
of Abberbury to the Cathedral Church of Winchester. J 

It is stated by Grose, in his ** Antiquities of Berks" (p. 5), that 
Walter Abberbury gave the King (Edward II.) 100s. for the Castle. § 
It was thought by the late Mr. Henry Godwin, F.S.A., that the 
license to build, given by the succeeding King (see further on), 
indicated that the new structure was a re-edification of a former 
building; and this doubtless was the case, since we see by the 
Inquisition of 1306-7, that "a capital messuage" was then attached 
to the Manor. 

* "Cal. Inq. post mort.," 20 Edw. I., No. 44 (26 and 52). 

t **Cal. Inq. post mort.," 35 Edw. I., No. 44; translated. 

t Pat. 17 Edw. n., p. 1, m. 23. 

§ Grose took his authority for this from Urry's "Life of Chaucer," published 
about 1726. In 1731 the fire took place at Ashbumham House where the Cotton 
MSS. were kept, and it is very probable that the original document from which 
Urry derived his information was destroyed at that time. *" 



1385-86. At this time (9th Eichard EC.) the Manor was in the 
hands of Sir Eichard de Abberbury, who had been guardian to the 
King in his minority, and had obtained the license to Diiild anew and 
crenellate his castle at Donnington. The license is expressed in these 
terms: — 

" The King to all his bailiffs and faithful subjects, to whom, etc. 
greeting. Know that of our special grace we have granted and given 
license for ourselves and our heirs, as much as in us lies, to our 
beloved and faithful Eichard Abberbury the elder, that he may build 
anew and fortify with stone and lime, and crenellate a certain Castle 
on his own land at Donyngton, Berks; and may hold that castle so 
built, fortified, and crenelated, to him and his heirs for ever, without 
disturbance or hindrance by us or our heirs, justices, escheators, 
sheriffs, or other bailiffs or officers of ours whatever. In testimony of 
which, etc." This instrument was acknowledged by the King himself 
at his Manor of Henley, 11th June, 1385.* 

1397. It cannot be determined with certainty in what year Sir 
Eichard de Abberbury the elder died, as the Inquisition taken after 
his death is not to be foimd at the Eecord Office. It may, however, 
be inferred that he was living in 1397, for he had a son of the same 
name, to whom, by the description of Mons. Eic. Abberbury le fils, f 
John of Gaunt, by his will, dated 3rd February, 1397, bequeathed a 
legacy of 50 marks. 

There is some difficulty, owing to the similarity of christian names, 
in identifying the various members of this family; but we have 
evidence of the existence of a Eichard de Abberbury, the younger, as 
late as the twelfth year of Henry YI., 1433, when the name occurs in 
the list of Berkshire Gentry returned by the King's Commissioners. 
He represented this County in the 17th and 20th Parliaments of 
Eichard II. Alice, the wife of this Sir Eichard de Abberbury, junior, 
was the only daughter and heiress of John Cleet, Knight of the 
Shire for Berks in the 36th Parliament of Edward m. Her first 
husband was Edmimd Danvers. 

1400. It has been asserted that the Cattle and Estate of Donning- 
ton belonged to Geoffrey Chaucer, the poet, whose death is recorded 
to have taken place on Oct. 25th in this year ; but there is no evidence 
to show that it was alienated by Sir Eichard Abberbury, during the 
poet's life-time. A deed-poll of Thomas Danvers, son of Alice, 
Lady Abberbury, by her first husband, Edmimd Danvers, is dated at 
Donyngton, 1414, 2 Hen V., which seems to imply that it still 
continued to be their residence. J 

We now arrive at a point where our researches are assisted by 
several important documents, some of which are printed in extenso in the 
late Mr. Godwin's paper on Donnington Castle in the ''Archseologia," 
and in the second volume of Transactions of the Newbury District 
Field aub. 

1414-15. From a Fine dated the second year of Henry V., 

♦ Bot. Pat. 9 Ric. II., pt. 2, m. 7. 

t "Donnington Castle," by H. Godwin, Esq., F.S.A., ** ArchKologia," 
vol. xliv; and ** Trans. Newbury D. Field Olub,** toI. ii. 

X Clarke's "Hundred of Wanting," p. 88. 



"between Thomas Chaucer, Edward Hampden, John Qolofre,* and 
William Beck (Plaintiffs), and Bichard Abberbury, knight, and Alice 
his wife (Deforciants), of the Manor and Castle of Donningtoo, we 
ascertain that the said Eichard Abberbury and Alice his wife conveyed 
to Thomas Chaucer and his Trustees the Manor and Castle of Donning- 
ton for 1000 marks of silver, f 

By a Fine of a shortly subsequent date, Edward Hampden, 
John G-olofre, and William Beck granted to John Fhelipp and Alice 
his wife, for the like consideration (1000 marks of silver), the said 
Manor and Castle of Donnington, to them and their heirs for ever. 
In the event of Phelipp and Alice dying without heirs, remaind^ to 
Thomas Chaucer and his heirs. | 

At an Inquisitio post mortem^ t£iken at WaUingford, 21st October, 
1415, on the Monday after the feast of St. Luke, as to the estates 
of which Sir John Phelipp died seized, the Jury say that Edward 
Hampden, John Golofre, and William Beck (now deceased) were seized 
of the Manor and Castle of Donnington, and of one croft, one carucate, 
called Meredene, &c., and that they had given and granted the same 
to Sir John Phelipp and Alice his wife and their heirs. § 

It appears from a Fine, dated Hilary term in the third year of 
Henry V., made between Thomas, Earl of Dorset, Hugh Mortemer, 
Will. Hankeford, knt., Thomas de Stonore, Henr. Somer, Eich. Wyot^ 
Henr. Aston, John Warefeld, and Geoffry Prentys, clerk (Plaintiffs), 
and Thomas Chaucer (Deforciant), of the Manor and Castle of Don- 
nington, that Alice Chaucer, the wife of John Phelip, knt., held 
the same for the term of her life, and that it ought to revert to 
Thomas Chaucer on the death of his daughter Alice. The effect of 
this document would evidently be a conveyance in trust. The 
remainder is conveyed to the Earl of Dorset and others for ever. |{ 

Alice, the only child and heiress of Thomas Chaucer and Matilda 
his wife, daughter of Sir John de Burghersh, was bom in 1404; and, 
according to the frequent practice then prevalent, was married in her 
childhood to Sir John Phelip, Knight; the object of these early 
marriages being to secure the property of the heiress as soon as 
possible, and to provide against escheats. 

Sir John Phelip and Sir William Phelip, Knight of the Garter, 
who in right of his wife was Lord Bardolph, were brothers. Their 
mother was Juliana, daughter of Sir Eobert Erpingham, of Erping- 
ham, in the County of Norfolk. It is shown by the Inquisition taken 
(Portly after his death, that Sir John Phelip died on the 9th October, 

* There were two John Golofres Imng at the same time. One, a Knight who 
married Philippa Mohun in 1389, and died before 2 Hen. V. (1414-15'), when 
his relict married Edward, Duke of York. Another John €k>)ofre died, 
seized of the manor of Fyfield, in 1443. In the late Mr. Godwin's article on 
Donnington Castle, these two persons appear to have been confounded. It is 
there said that John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, married the daughter of 
Sir John Golofre. No authority is given, but; as Lyscms says the same, the 
statement was probably taken &om him. The Inquisition on John Goloire shows 
this, howeyer, to be erroneous. 

t Pedes Finium, 2 Hen. V., No. 3, co. Berks. 

t Pedes Finium, 3 Hen. V. No. 2, co. Berks. 

§ "Cal. Inq. post Mort," 3 Hen. V., No. 42. 

i Pede& Finium, 3 Hen. V., No. 1, co. Berks, 


1415; and tliat he had attained the age of thirty-one years. His 
brother, Sir William Phelip, took a distmguished part in the French 
wars of Henry V., participated in the triumph of Agincourt, and was 
subsequently present at die storming of the Castle of Caen, and at 
theprotracted siege of Bouen. 

lie exact degree of relationship between Thomas Chaucer and the 
Poet has yet to be discovered, and, as no fresh evidence has been 
advanced on the subject, it is not necessary to enter at length into 
this long-disputed controversy. 

The following chronological notes, however, resulting from some 
recent researches, may be submitted to the consideration of those 
pursuing the enquiry. 

Sir Payn Boet, knt., €tlias Guyn King-of-Arms, a knight of Hainault, 
had two daughters — 

1. — ^Philippa, married to Geoffrey Chaucer.* 
2, — ^Katherine, wife of Hugh Swinford, knt., and mistress (after- 
wards wife) of John, Duke of Lancaster. She died 10 May, 
1403, and was buried at Lincoln (of whi<5h See her son 
Henry was Bishop). 
The children of Katherine by the Duke were (besides others) — 
1. — John de Beaufort, a knight in 15 Bich. II., (1391-2), and 
created Earl of Somerset 20 Bich. 11,, (1396-7): died 1409, 
leaving his son Henry 9 years old. 
2, — Henry, made Bishop of Lincoln in 1397, and of Winchester 
in 1405: died 11 April, 1447, aged 80. It is needless to 
mention others. 
If this be correct, Henry was bom in 1367, and John, therefore at 
least in 1366. 

Geoffrey Chaucer is said to have died in 1399 or 1400, that is, three 
or four years earlier than his wife's sister. 

In the facsimile of National MSS., Part 1. ("Athenseum," 13 JanT- 
1866), is a letter to Henry IV., from Henry, Prince of Wales, dated 
1402 (and which cannot be before that year, as it speaks of the 
marriage of Henry IV. and Joanna of Navarre), wherein he 49ays: — 
*' As I trust to God your humble leige-man, my cousin Chaucer, hath 
plainly informed your Highness at this time." 

If tikere be no good evidence to prove that Geoffrey Chaucer died 
before 1 402, this letter shows that he must have left male issue by the 
sister of Katherine Boet, since no other Chaucer but such issue would 
have been of kin to the Prince. 

Thomas Chaucer died 13 Henry VI., on the Thursday after 
St. Edmund (20 Nov.), 1434, leaving Alice, daughter and heiress, 
aged 30. We may suppose that Thomas Chaucer had married 
about 1 400 ; and he could not have been married more than two or 
three years earlier than that. If this be so, ajid if he were son of 
Geoffrey, and about the age of his first-cousin John Beaufort, he was 34 
years old when he married. Instead of this, may not Thomas have 
been the grandson of Geoffrey ? and, if so, who was his father ? 

•The evidence on the Issue RolU tends to prove that Chaucer married a 
namesake <iT cousin. The earliest payments of Philippa's pension (presumably 
before her marriage) were received by her as Philippa Chawer, but the later 
payments were received by Gec^ey for her, who is then described as her 


Alice (daughter and heir of Sir Thomas and Lady Chaucer) soon 
after the death of Sir John Phelip married Thomas de Montacute, 
Earl of Salisbury, who was soon afterwards killed in the memorable 
siege of Orleans. The Earl was succeeded in the command of the 
English troops before that city by William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, 
who was forced by Joan of Arc to raise the siege, and was taken 
prisoner. He contrived, however, to escape to England, and married 
Alice (Chaucer), the widow of his comrade in arms, *^The brave Earl of 
Salisbury." After enjoying great favour at Court, he was charged 
with treason, and beheaded at sea in 1450. The story of his death 
is a mournfid episode in English history, and has been often told. 

Alice (Chaucer) survived her last husband many years; and, dying 
in 1475, was buried near her parents in Ewehne Church. The altar- 
tomb bearing her ef^gy ^'is hardly surpassed in beauty," says Skelton, 
'* and certainly not in the extreme excellence of its preservation, by 
any monument in England." It is one of the three known examples 
of female effigies decorated with the Order of the Garter. It is figured 
in Cough's ** Sepulchral Monimients." 

John de la Pole, son of Alice (Chaucer) and William, Duke of 
Suffolk, was confirmed in his father's estates and honours in 1463, and 
held the Manor and Castle of Donnington. He married Elizabeth 
Plantagenet, sister of Edward IV. ; and died in 1491. John de la Pole 
and Elizabeth lie buried in Wingfield Church, in Suffolk, where, in 
the chancel, there is a large altar-tomb with effigies of herself and 
husband. Their arms are in a window of the south aisle of Iffley 

John, Earl of Lincoln, eldest son of John de la Polo, by his wife 
Elizabeth Plantagenet, and consequently nephew to Edward IV., 
being engaged in the conspiracy to raise the impostor Lambert Simnel 
to the crown, fell at the battle of Stoke, in 1487, in the life-time of his 
father. In the first year of Richard III., 1485, he had obtained a 
grant of the manor of Woodhay, and of the Lordships of Basingstoke 
and Andover; but he being attainted, his next brother Edmund, 
succeeded to his father's titles and estates. 

Edmimd de la Pole, the last in lawful succession to the dukedom of 
Suffolk, was deprived of his title by attainder, and his honours 
were forfeited to the Crown. He was beheaded on the Eve of the 
Ascension in 1513, and left no male issue. His other brother 
Bichard de la Pole, called the "White Rose," was afterwards slain, 
fighting in the French army, at the battle of Pavia in 1528. 

1514. In February of this year, Charles Brandon, Yiscount L'Isle, 
the friend of Henry VIII. from youth, was created Duke of Suffolk, 
in tail-male, and received from the King a grant of the Castle, Park, 
and Manor of Donnington, Berks, being part of the possessions of 
Edmimd de la Pole, late Duke of Suffolk, attainted, f 

Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, was Henry's chief favourite, and 
had married secretly, Mary, the King's sister, and widow of Louis XTT. 
In contracting this union without the permission of Henry VHI., both 
parties exposed themselves to the risk of his serious displeasure, which, 

* E. Marshall's "Account of Iffley," pp. 102, 3. Oxf. 1870. 
t Pat. 5 Hen. VIII., pt. li, m. 28. 


to Suffolk, as his own subject, miglit have proved fatal. But the 
French dowager-queen and her English husband crossed the Channel 
and took up their abode in their Manor in Suffolk, without venturing 
near the Court. A reconciliation was in a short time effected; the 
accomplishment of which was greatly owing to the good oflB-ces of 
Cardinal Wolsey, who appears to have been a staunch friend to the 
young couple. 

In a letter from the Queen-dowager of France, to Henry VIII., 
dated Letheryngham, Suffolk, 9th September, 1515, she thanks him 
"for permitting 'my lord,' her husband, to repair to him on his 
coming to Donyngton, which had greatly comforted him. Had the 
time been convenient, she would gladly have accompanied her husband 
in this journey, but hopes they will both see his grace, as he wrote in 
his last letters, * which is the thing that I desire more to obtain than 
all the honour of the world.* Desires to be remembered to her 
sister the Queen, and the Queen of Scots, and hopes to hear of the 
prosperous estate of her niece the Princess."* 

Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, the eldest of the two surviving 
daughters of Charles Brandon by this marriage, on whose issue the 
Crown was settled by the will of Henry YIII., ended in prison a life, 
which for variety of wretchedness has had few parallels. She had 
seen her daughter. Lady Jane Grey, beheaded: her own and her 
daughter's husband had shared the same fate : her daughter Catherine, 
after having been repudiated by the Earl of Pembroke, was im- 
prisoned in the Tower: and her yoimgest daughter Mary was most 
unequally matched to an inferior officer of the household. 

The Duke of Suffolk, it appears from several letters addressed to 
Wolsey, from Donnington, and preserved among the State Papers, 
frequently resided at the Castle. Symonds, in his ** Diary," mentions 
that the following quarterings were to be seen in many of the windows 
of the Castle in 1644: 

Quarterly, 1 and 4, Barry of ten argent and gules, over all a lion 

rampant or, crowned per pale gules and argent [Brandon]; 

2 and 3, Quarterly; 1 and 4, Azure, a cross moline or [Bruin" ; 

2 and 3, Lozengy, gules and ermine [Rokesley]. The whole 

within the garter, and surmounted by a coronet or [Brandon, 

Duke of Suffolk]. 
As also this impaling : 

France; impaling, quarterly France and England; the whole 

surmounted by a crown [Louis XII. and Mary Tudor]. 
Divers lyons heads also, and this motto very often : LOIAYLTE 

OUBLIGE. [Crest and Motto of Brandon.] f 
1535. By an Act, 27th Henry YIII. cap. 38, an exchange of lands 
was confirmed between the King and Charles, Duke of Suffolk; and 
by an Indenture bearing date 19 July of the same year, made 
between the Right Honourable Thomas Audeley, knight. Chancellor 
of England, Thomas Cromwell, Esquire, Chief Secretary to the King 
and Master of the Rolls, Sir Bryan Tuke, knight, Treasurer of the 

* Cal. State Papers, Hen. VIII., vol. ii., pt. 1, No. 2347. 

t Symonds' ** Diary of the Marches of the Royal Army ; '* ed. by C. E. Long, 
M.A., p. 143. 


Chamber, Christopher Hales, Attorney-General, and Bichard Ryehe, 
Solicitor-General to the King, on the one part, and the Bight Noble 
Charles, Duke of SufPolk, on the other part, the same Duke bao^ained 
and sold, &c., the Manors, Castles, and Lordships of Ewelme, Donyng- 
ton, Langley, West Bradley, West Compton, and Buckland, in the 
County of Berks, together with other Manors in the County of Oxford, 
the Manor-house and place of Southwerke, commonly called the Duke 
of Suffolk's Place, in the County of Surrey, with all Houses, &c., and 
the Park there, and also the offices of the High-Stewardship and 
Constableship of the Castle of Walyngf ord, Berks, in exchange for the 
reversion of the fee-simple of the Manors of Philberdes (otherwise 
called Phelbartes), Long Wittenham, Frffed [Fifield], Eton, Frydysham 
(otherwise called Freleford), and Gartford, in the Counties of Berks 
and Oxon, the reversion belonging to and the Manors of Southwolde, 
Dysenage, and others in the County of Suffolk. 

Donnington Castle was thus again acquired by the Crown; and 
Thomas Cromwell, writing to Sir Bichard Eich, Solicitor-General to 
the King, from Tewkesbury Monastery, July 29th, 1535, states that 
he is ordered by the King to reply to Bich's letter respecting this 
transetction with the Duke of Suffolk, as follows : — ^As to the leases, 
which, it was supposed, were made by the Duke of Suffolk, the King 
says he does not know that the Duke or his officers have made any 
lease since the conclusion between them of this bargain. As he is 
informed that the Duke or his officers have offered to make leases 
since that time, he considers this to be unkindness and ingratitude in 
the Duke, if it can be proved. Touching the decay of Ewelme and 
Donnington, the King answered that, whatever the Duke had spent 
upon them, it will appear in what decay they stand ; whoever views 
them will easily perceive that good simis of money will not easily 
repair them. The King himself hath viewed Ewelme when lately 
there, and for Donnington the house is not only in decay, but also 
the keeper of the same, Mr. Fettyplace, hath both consumed and 
destroyed the deer and game there, and also wasted the woods in such 
wise as it is thought he hath not only forfeited his patent, but also 
right ill-deserved to have either fee or tiianks for any good service he 
hath done there. * 

1547. Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, died in 1545. Upon 
the death of Henry YIII., in 1547, the Castle passed to his son 
Edward YI., who in the fourth year of his reign (1550), in fulfilment 
of the will of his father, the late king, and with the advice of his 
Council, granted by Letters Patent to his sister. Lady Elizabeth, 
various lands in several Counties, including the lordship and manor of 
Donyngton, with all the deer and beasts in the park, and the liberty 
of park within the said park; the Castle of Donyngton, Berks, with 
all rights and appurtenances, the whole town of Newbury, with all 
appurtenances, formerly parcel of the lands and possessions of the 
jointure of Lady Johanna, Queen of England [Joanna of Navarre, 
Queen of Henry IV.], the Manor of Hamsted-MarshaU, etc., the 
whole being of the yearly value of £3106 13s. l^^d. To be held by a 
yearly rent of £106 1^^, to be paid to the Court of Augmentations, 

* ** Miscellaneous Letters," Series III, vol. ii, No. 96 ; Public Record Office. 


or until the Councillors named in Xing Henry's Will shall arrange a 
marriage for her, in accordance with the said will.* 

1551. The above-mentioned Letters Patent were surrendered on 
23rd April of the following year (1551) by the Lady Elizabeth per- 
sonally appearing before the King in his Court of Chancery; and the 
enrolment was accordingly cancelled. On this surrender, another 
grant was made to the Princess in substitution of the former grant, 
including, with other lands mentioned in the previous grant the Lord- 
ship and Manor of Donnington, the Castle of Donnington, and the 
Manor of Newbury — ^the annual value of the whole being estimated at 
£3064 17 8J. To be held at a rent of £109 13 7, for life, or until 
marriage, as before.f 

1600. On the 15th of May, in the forty-second year of Queen 
Elizabeth, a grant of the Castle and Manor of Donnington was 
nominally made to Nicholas Zouche, and Thomas Hare, Esquires, 
and their heirs, nominees of Charles, Earl of Nottingham, Baron 
Howard of Effingham, to protect it against escheat. Li the following 
year, the said Nicholas Zouche, Esq., and Elizabeth his wife obtained 
license to alienate to the said Charles, Earl of Nottingham, and 
Catherine his wife, and the heirs of the said Earl, the Castle and 
Manor of Donnington, Winterbome-Davers (alias Winterborne- 
Danvers), Winterbome-Mayne, Leckhampstede, the Ptu-k of Don- 
ning^n, and 40 messuages, 40 gardens, 20 tofts, J 4 water-mills, 
8 dovecotes, 40 orchards, 1000 acres of arable land, 100 acres of 
meadow, 500 acres of pasture, 300 acres of wood, 300 acres of gorse, 
100s. of rent, free warren, view of frankpledge in the town aforesaid, 
Bussock Courte, Speene mores, Uplambome (alias Lamborne), North- 
croft, Horspoole-Furlonge, § Newbury, Shaw, Thatcham, Henwyke, 
Spynamlande, Shawbome, and other places, together with the presen- 
tation and free disposal of the Hospital of Donnington, and all tithes 
and oblations in Donnington, Newbery, Speene, Winterbome-Davers, 
and Winterborne-Mayne, and the Advowson of the Church of Newbury, 
CO. Berks, the Borough of New Lymington, and the Manors of Old 
Lymington and New Lymington, with other lands in the Counties of 
Southampton and Surrey. All these were to be holden by tbe grantees 
as follows: — ^With the exception of the lands in Southampton, to the 
use of the said Earl and Catherine his wife for their lives; with 
remainder to William Howard, son and heir apparent of said Earl, 
and his heirs male, remainder to Charles Howard, Esq., son and heir of 
William Howard, knt., brother of said Earl deceased, and heirs male j 
with remainder to Francis Howard, Esq., second son of the said Sir 
William Howard, knt., deceased, and heirs male; with remainder to the 
right heirs of said Earl for ever. Worth £40. Fine on alienation 
£13 6 8. Note in the Margin: — "The cause of this small rate was for 
yt my Lo. purchased these lands in other men*s names upon trust, 
and, all these dyinge but one, was forced to take y® same back from 
y« Survivor and his wiffe, as well for barringe of dower of y® wiffe 

« Pat. 4 Edw, VI., pt. 3, m. 25. t Pat. 5, Edw. VI., pt. 4, m. 11. 

X Toft: a messuage or house, or rather a place where a messuage once stood, 
that is fallen er pulled down.^^at/^. 

} A meadow belonging to Donnington Priory is still known by this name. 
The word ** furlong'* occurs often in the names of fields in Beds and Bucks. 


of him that had y* in trust, as also for my Lo. his further securyty." ♦ 
1603. Sir Thomas Edmonds, in a letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, 
dated, Woodstock, Sept. 11, 1603, f says, "I suppose your Lordship is 
no less entertained with the pleasures of your hunting than we are 
here; so as you do not expect to hear any novelties from us during 
this time. Since the time that your Lordship left us, we have wholly 
spent our time in that exercise; but the Queen [Anne, of DenmarkJ 
remained at Basing till the King's coming hither, and she hath as 
well entertained herself with good dancing, which hath brought forth 
the effects of a marriage between my Lord Admiral [The Earl of 
Nottingham] and the Lady Mary Stuart. His Lordship, in his 
passage hither by the way of Newbury, hath recovered the possession 
of Donnington Castle from the Lady Russell, J she being absent in 
Wales with her daughter the Lady Herbert." § 

This letter is also printed in Nichols* ** Progresses of James I." In 
what way Lady Russell became interested in Donnington Castle is at 
present unknown ; and, as Mr. Nichols remarks, we are not likely to 
gain further information as to the dispute than this letter gives us. 

1615. In this year another dispute arose as to the ownership of the 
Castle and Manor, which at this time were in the hands of Lady Anne, 
widow of William, Lord Howard of Effingham. Being sunmioned to 
show by what title she entered upon and held the said Castie, &c., she 
stated that William, Lord Howard, was seized of the Castle and Manor 
of Donnington, &c., in demesne as of fee, &c.; and, being so seized, by 
Indenture, dated 10 October, 13 James I., between William, Lord 
Howard, of the one part, and Peter Yanlore, of the other part, he 
(William), bargained and sold to Peter Yanlore the said lands, &o., by 
which means Peter Vanlore became possessed of the same, but without 
having first obtained the King's license. (King James, however, by 
Letters Patent, dated 13 May, 14 James I., pardoned this alienation.) 

She said further, that Peter Vanlore, senior, being thus seized, the 
King by Letters Patent, dated 1 April, 14 James I., gave license to 
Peter Yanlore, senior, to alienate the Castle and Manor of Donnington, 
&c., to Anne, Lady Howard, widow, late the wife of William, Lord 
Howard, of Effiingham, for life; with remainder to Elizabeth, daughter 
and heir of William, and to the heirs of Elizabeth, and in default of 
such heirs to the right heirs of Anne. 

Whereupon a &e was levied at Westminster in Trinity Term, 
14 James I., between Anne, Lady Howard, Plaintiff, and Peter 
Vanlore, senior. Deforciant, of the Castle and Manor of Donnington, 
&c., which Peter Vanlore conveyed to Anne, as appears by an In- 
denture, dated 30 March, 14 James I., made between Peter Vanlore, 
senior, of London, Esq., of the one part, and Anne, Lady Howard of 
Effingham, late wife and sole-executrix of William, Lord Howard of 
Effingham, of the other part. By virtue whereof, Anne had entered 

♦ Alienation Office: ** Entries of Licenses and Pardons," v. 7, p. 313 d. 

t "Memoirs of the Peers of England during the reign of James I.," by Sir 
Egerton Brydges ; p. 171. 

X Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, and widow of John, Lord 
Russell, second son of Francis, Earl of Bedford. 

§ Wife of Henry, Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of Worctster. 


upon and hitherto was seized in demesne as of free tenement for life» 
Judgment was therefore given in favour of Anne. 

This Roll * contains a long list of places besides Donnington. It 
includes the Park of Donnington, also a meadow called Lorde's 
Meade, alim Horsemead, in Donnington, also two water-mills at 
Donnington, also a messuage near the bridge of Newbury between 
the tenement of Ralph Gunter, on the north part, and the Church 
Lane, leading to the Mill, on the south part, and extending in length 
from the High Street on the east part to the **Almes" on the west 
part, then or lately in the tenure or occupation of Catherine Lichpole 
and John Lichpole, otherwise Chaundeler, or their assigns, or the 
assigns of one of them. All the places mentioned passed under the 
conveyance here set out. 

The two water-mills at Donnington are contiguous; and until 
recently they have been held by two different owners ; one belonging 
to the Castle estate, the other to Mrs. Parry, whose family at one 
time were the proprietors of the adjacent Priory. 

The messuage in Newbury comprised the premises well known 
in later years as the " Globe Inn," which before the dissolution of the 
Monasteries formed part of the possessions of the Priory of Wherwell, 

William, Lord Howard of Effingham, who was summoned by writ 
to several Parliaments during his father's life, married Anne, daughter 
and sole heir of Lord St.-John, of Bletsoe. He died before his father, 
in 1615, and was buried at Chelsea, leaving Elizabeth, his only 
daughter and sole heir, who became the wife of John, Lord Mordaunt, 
afterwards Earl of Peterborough. Charles Howard, Earl of Effing- 
ham, the Lord High Admiral (which office. Fuller says, he resigned 
to the Duke of Buckingham, in the reign of James I), died at Haling 
House, Surrey, December 14, 1624; and was buried in the family vault 
in the chancel of Reigate Church. f He was succeeded in the title by 
Charles, his son by his first wife, Katherine Cary. 

Lady Anne Howard died in June, 1638; and was buried in West- 
minster Abbey. In the letters of administration granted to her only 
child, Elizabeth, Countess of Peterborough, 20th of June, 1 638, she is 
described as of Hawnes, Co. Beds; but she died in the parish of 
St. Bartholomew the Great in London. See Col. Chester's *' West- 
minster Abbey Registers,*' p. 133. 

Sir Peter Yanlore, above-mentioned, was a rich merchant, bom at 
tJtretch. He died in 1627; and in Tylehurst Church, near Reading, 
there is an elaborate and curious Jacobian monument to Sir Peter and 
his lady, with a long eulogistic inscription, commencing with the 
following lines : — 

** When thou hast read the name, here lies Vanlore, 
Thou need'st no story to inform thee more." ' 

Further on, however, we leam,^hat Sir Peter was an industrious 

* Memoranda Roll (Lord-Treasurer'a Remembrancer), Hilary, 14 James I.> 
> RoU, 205. 

t "Worthies," Surrey, pp. 83, 84. 



merchant, beloved by three English Monarchs; and that he died 
very rich, having lived four-score years — 

** The greatest part in one chaste wedlock spent; 
Utrecht his cradle — Tylehnrst loves his tomb." 

Sir Peter is supposed to have had a temporary interest in the Manor 
of Tylehurst by alliance with the Kendricks. 


1623-44. John Chamberlayne is described in the Bolls of the 
CoUege of Arms for 1623, as of **Donmngton Castle," Berks;* and 
Symonds, the writer of the "Diary of the Marches of the Royal Army," 
informs us that the Castle in 1644 was "the habitacion of Mr. Packer, 
who bought it of Mr. Ch««nberlayne." A diligent search at the Record 
Office has failed to find a license given to Anne Howard to alienate, 
or a transfer to Chamberlayne; but this is no reason for doubting 
Symonds's statement. There is a John Chamberlayne described as of 
8herbome, Co. Oxon ("dose Roll," 22 James I., p. 16, m. 5); and 
another John Chamberlayne, as of Beaulieu, Co. Southampton ("Close 
Roll," 19 James I., p. 11, m. 7). The latter is most probably the 
person who was for a short time liie owner of the Castle, f 

At the commencement of the Civil War, the Castle was unquestion- 
ably the property of John Packer, Esq., and in his hands when it was 
garrisoned for the King. Mr. Packer was bom at Twickenham, 
Middlesex, about 1572, and appears to have been in public employ- 
ment (at one time in the Signet Office); and to have been of consider- 
able social distinction. A letter, dated 17 January, 1610, addressed 
by him to Sir Thomas Edmonds, Ambassador at the Court of 
Brussels, will be found in the " Court and Times of James the First;" 
1848, vol. i. p. 104: and Camden, in his "Annals," states that the 
Marquis of Buckingham, Baron Haye, and the Countess of Dorset were 
sponsors at the baptism of one of Mr. Packer's children, in West- 
minster Church, 24 June, 1618. It is probable that he acted as 
Secretary to George Yilliers, first Duke of Buckingham. He was 
buried at St. Margaret* s, Westminster, 15 Eebruary, 1649. 

His wiU, dated 20th July, 1645, with a codicil, dated 2nd May, 1648, 
was proved, 27 Nov., 1649, by his relict Philippa. He was residing in 
a house within the CoUege of Westminster, but described himself as 
of Shellingford, co. Berks, Esq. ; and stated that his lands had been 
sequestered by the King's forces, excepting the Memor of Groombridge 
(in Speldhurst), Kent, where he had bmlt a chapel, and which 
he bequeathed to one of his sons, who still held it in 1696. He 
had married Philippa Mills, of the city of Westminster, gentle- 
woman, daughter of Francis Mills, Esq., of Southampton. J In a 
letter, dated 12th Dec, 1604, written by John Packer to Sir Ealph 
Winwood, he speaks of his "good friend" Sir Thomas Lake 
(Principal Secretary of State to James I.), who first procured him the 

♦ " Transactions of the Newbury District Field Club," vol. ii, p. 39. 

t We may also mention that a John Chamberlayne had been Mayor of 
Newbury in 1601; and that this name frequently occurs in the town records 
about this period. 

t See note to the baptism of Mr. Packer's daughter, in the "Westminster 
Abbey Registers," edited by Col. J. L. Chester, p. 66. 


reversion to the Privy Seal; and he mentions that he is "now at the 
Court." Sir Dudley Carleton, writing to Sir Ealph Winwood in 1610, 
refers to Mr. Packer as having been sent as Envoy to Denmark, and 
alludes to "John Chamberlame," with whom Mr, Packer was, it 
seems, familiar. 

In 1647, 23 Charles I., John Paxjker, of Donning^on Castle, was one 
of the Committee appointed by an ordinance of the Parliament for the 
** Visitation and Reformation of the University of Oxford." His 
sons, Eobert and Philip, were members of University CoUege, and 
subscribers to the new works at that CoUege about 1675; and 
in one of the windows of the Hall are inserted the arms of the 
Packers — Gules, a cross lozengy, between four roses argent. Their 
brother, William, was one of the "Tryers for Approbation of Public 
Preachers" in 1658. The residence of the Packers at Shell in gford, 
about two miles to the north-east of Paringdon, was an ancient stone 
building, caUed **Shellingford Castle." It remained unoccupied many 
years, and was at last taken down. A few outbuildings, a large 
waUed garden and some plantations of yew, surrounding a fish-pond, 
are now all that remain to indicate the dwelling-place of this once 
important family. Mr. Robert Packer, M.P. for "WiaUingford in the 
liong Parliament, and who died in 1684, appears to have been among 
those members, some of whom were imprisoned or secluded, and 
others seized by the army* on the 6th December, 1648, for having 
voted the day previously, "That the King's answers to Hie propo- 
sition of both Houses were a ground for pea^e." 

After the Civil War was over, Mr. John Packer had some of the 
ruinous parts of the battered Castle taken down ; and with the materials 
he erected the mansion now standing near it, and called " Donnington- 
Oastle House.'' 



Abberbury family, noticed, 199. 
Abingdon, failure of Prince Rupert's 

attack on, 156. 
Aldboume Chase, fight at, 8; M. De 

Larrey's account of the fight at, 9; 

the forces at, 7 ; Royalists' aceount of 

the fight &t, 10. 
Aldboume, parish registers of, 9 note; 

relics of the fight at, 13. 
Aldermaston, Rupert's skirmish Dear, 

60, 68. 
Andover, fight at, 113; the King's 

march from, 116. 
Anecdotes of the Battle on Wash Com- 
mon, 44. 
Armament of Donnington Castle, 118. 
Army of the King in array on the "Wash, 

28; its condition in 1644, HI. 
Armv of the Parliament in array on the 

Wash, 29. 
Ashburnham, Sir W., account of, 191, 
Ashe, Rev. Simeon, account of, 131 note, 
Astley, Sir Bernard, account of, 191. 
Astley, Sir Jacob, account of, 76. 
Aston, Sir Thomas, account of, 76. 
Auxiliaries, Red Regiment of the, 57. 

Bagehot, Col. Thomas, account of, 79. 
Balfour, Sir William, account of, 86. 
Balsdon (Balston, Balsome, Bolsome) 

House, near Kintbury, notice oi, 

180 note. 
Balsome House, the Kentish Regiment 

at, 180. 
Banbury, relief of, 117. 
Basing House, relief of, 112; from Hun- 

gerford, 153. 
Basset, Sir T., account of, 192 
Battle at Speen and Shaw, 132, 136; 

first, at Newbury, 24, 30, 61. 
Battle- march of ihe Puritans, 136. 
Battle on Wash Common, near Newbury, 

24, 30; political effects of, 51; relics 

of, 44, 46; second, at Newbury, 130. 
Bear Inn at Hungerford, 163 note; 

Newbury, 83. 
Bedford, Earl of, account of, 71. 
Belasyse, Lord, account of, vii, 72. 
Benett, Sir H., noticed, 192. 
Bennet, Sit Humphrey, his brigade of 

horse, 123 
Berks, Agreement with King for support 

of army, 104; Commission for raising 

money and forces in, 95; Petition of 

Grand Jury against Ship-money, 100; 

political feeling in, 102 : proportion of 

Shp-money, 100; protestaters, returns 

of, in, 90; sequestrators of estates 

in, 93. 
Berksliire, Earl of, account of, 188. 

Bertie, Hon. Henry, account of, 73. 

Biggs' Cottage and Biggs' Hill^ near 
Newbury, 21 note^ 24 note. 

Biographical Notices of Parliamentarian 
Ofacers, 85, 194; Royalist OiBoeia, 
67, 187. 

Birch, Col. John, his account of the 
capture of Lady Brentford, 173; notice 
of, 196. 

Blagrave, Daniel, account of, 98. 

Boxford, parochial records of, 168; ^e 
Lamboume passed by Gen. WaUer at, 
128, 129. 

Boys, Colonel, his defence of DtHudng- 
ton Castle, 109. 118, 145, 158, 183; 
raid upon Newbury, 164; repues te 
Col. Middleton, 109; reply to CoL 
Horton, 118; to summons of surren- 
der, 145; surrender of Donnington 
Castle, 169 ; knighted on Red Heath, 
117, 163, 165 ; Sir John, account of, 190. 

Brandon, Charles, Dvuse of SuffidUc, 
noticed, 204. 

Brentford, capture of Lady, 173; Eari 
of, his escape from Donnington, 146; 
Lady, capture of, 146. 

Bridge, old: at Newbury, 133. 

Bristol, assault of, 1. 

Brocas, Bernard, account of, vii, 75. 

Brooke. Mr. Thomas, account of, 162 note. 

Brouncker (Bronkerd), Sir W, account 
of, 191. 

Browne, Mr., of Shefford, notice of, 165; 
Richard, account of, 98. 

Buckingham, Duke of, death of, 71. 

Bucklebury, parish registers of, 169. 

Burden, Samuel, noticed, 186. 

Burial of the dead after the Secend 
Battle, 143; on the Wash, 45, 46. 

Byron, Lord, his account of the Battle 
on the Wash, 35; attack at the Battle 
on the Wash, 31, 34, 35; letter to 
Lord Clarendon, 6; remarks on the 
fight at Aldboume Chase, 8 ; position 
of troops at Newbury, 12, 27. 

Byron, Sir John, account of, 67. 

Caernarvon, Earl of, account of, 68; 
death of, on the Wash, 39. 

Campaign of, 1644, 107. 

Cannon, see Guns. 

Capel, Lord, accoiant of, 188. 

Capture of Lady Brentford, 173. 

Carleton, Rev. Guy, accoimt of, 169, 

Carnarvon, Lord, his description of the 
Royalists in array in WashCommon, 26. 

Cary, Lucius (Viscount Falkland), ac- 
count of, 81. 

Castle and Manor of Donnington, luB- 
tory of, 197. 











Casoaltiet at the Battle en Wash Com- 
mon, 42, 43, 49, 61; Second Battle of 
Newbnrr, 139, 141, 142. 

Catdyn, Uapt., notice of, 193. 

Ckamberlayne, John, noticed, 210. 

Chandoe, Lord, accoimt of, 73. 

Chaucer,family of, noticed, 201. 208, 204. 

Chievdev, halt of Parliamentarians at, 

Chilton House and Chilton Lodge, ac- 
count ol, 20 note. 

Circencester, fight at, 6; flags taken 
at, 47. 

Clare, Earl of, 71. 

Clarendon, Lord, reference to his Hie- 
tory, passim. 

Clarke, gunner, account of, 78. 

Clay Hill, Shaw, Parliamentarian Camp 
on, 125. 

Cleveland, Earl of, account of, 70; taken 
prisoner, 134. 

Clifton, Capt., account of, 79. 

Codrington, Kobert, account of, 89 ; on 
the retreat from Gloucester, 8. 

Celepeper, Lord, account of, 189. 

Colours, captured by Lord Essex, 47; 
of the London Regiments, 55. 

Commissioners for raising money and 
forces in Co. Berks, List of, 95. 

Committee, the Derby-House, 110, 114, 

Conditions of the surrender of Donning- 
ton Castle, 160. 

Constable, Sir William, account of, 86. 

Cope Hill, near Newbury, fight at, 34. 

Corbet's relation of the Siege of Glou- 
cester, 5. 

Cox, Gabriel, of Newbury, noticed, 27, 
103, 185. 

Crawford, General, noticed, 195. 

Criticism, military, on the tactics of the 
two armies at the Battle on Wash 
Common, 52. 

Cromwell and Manchester, quarrel be- 
tween, 157. 

Cromwell, General, his cavalry charge 
in Speen Fields, 134, 135: flacJc march, 
127, 129, 131; Information against 
Manchester, 115: joined Manchester's 
army as General of the Horse, 114. 

Crosby, James, noticed, 186. 

Dalbier, Col., his investment of Don- 

nington Castle, 159, 183; notice of the 

career and death of, 161. 
Dalton, Colonel, account of, 43 note, 
Deane, General, account of, 87. 
Defeat of the Royalists on Speen Hill, 

Defence of Donnington Castle, 109, 119, 

145, 158, 183. 
Delinquents, papists, spies, &c., 93. 
Derby-House Committee, the, 110, 114, 

129, 144. 
Digby, Lord George, account of, 72: 

remarks on the defeat of the Royalists 

on the Wash, 44. 
Dolman's house at Shaw, 122, 135, 164. 
Donnington Castle, 19; armament of, 118; 

besieged by Col. Horton, 117, 119; 

in November, 1644, 146 ; Capt.Kmght's 

account of the siege of, 177; defence 
of, 109, 119, 145, 168, 183; investment 
of, 109, 169; lead taken from, 184; 
regalia and treasure at, 149 ; strategi- 
cal importance of, 19, 108; supplied with 
provisions, 164; supplies for the de- 
fence of , 108; surrendered, 160. 

Donnington, history of the Manor and 
Castle of, 187; water-mills at, 209. 

Dragoons, account of, 26 note. 

Dunce (Daunce, Dance) family, noticed, 

Dunch, Edmund, accoimt of, 97. 

Elizabeth, Princess, her possessions at 
Donnington and Newbury, 206, 207. 

Enboume Heath, the fighting on, 38. 

Essex, Lord, his airangement of troops 
for the Battle on Wash Common, 24 ; 
conduct in battle, 32 note; his flag, 
32 note; disaster in Cornwall, 110; 
march to Gloucester, 4 ; to Newbury, 
20; movements in the campaign of 
1644, 107, 110; relief of Gloucester, 3; 
success against the Royalists on Wash 
Common, 40; tomb in Westminster 
Abbey, 65 ; triumphal entry into Lon- 
don, 47; Prince Rupert's attack on his 
rear, 68; strength of his army, 6. 

Essex, the Earl of, account of, 85. 

Eure, Col. Thomas, account of, 78. 

Ewhurst Church, burials In, 112 note, 

Eystons of Hendred, the, 103. 

Falkland Farm on Wash Common, 36. 

Falkland, Lord, account of, 81; his 
death, 35, 37, 49, 53, 82; his Will, 84; 
on Ship-money, 101 ; shot when charg- 
ing across Dark Lane, 35 note. 

Fawley, Little, Symonds's notice of, 165. 

Fettiplace, Thomas, mentioned, 95. 

First Battle at Newbury, the, on Sept. 
20th, 4643, 1 ; the King present at the, 
S2notey 186. 

Flag, Lord Essex's, 32 note. 

Flags taken at Cirencester, 47; the First 
Battle of Newbury, vli, 48. 

Flank march, under Waller and Crom- 
weU, 127, 129, 131. 

Fleetwood, Capt. C, account of, 89. 

Fleetwood, Dr. James, account of , 119 

Flight of the King from Newbury, 134. 

Fogge, Rev. Robert, account of, 120 
note; brings Mrs. Fleetwood's letter 
to the Castle, 119. 

Forster, Mr., his account of the Battle 
on Wash C«mmoa, 39. 

Forster, Sir Humphrey, his petition to 
Parliament, 124 note; military intru- 
sion at his residence, 170. 

Forth, Earl of, account of, 67 

Frechville, Sir John, account of, 76. 

Fuller on the Battle at Newbury, 48. 

Gage, Cel., his relief of Basiag, 112; 

Sir H., his relief of Basing, 153. 
Garrard family, notice of, 151 note, 
Gerard, Col. Charles, account of, 78. 
Gerard family, noticed, 79.